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OTHER BOOKS BY THIS AUTHOR 

The Growth of the Kingdom of God 

Evolution of the Japanese: Social and Psychic 

The American Japanese Problem 

The Fight for Peace 

Working Women of Japan 

In the Japanese Language 

Cosmic Evolution 

Human Evolution 

The History of German Theology 

General Discussions in and the Classification of Human Knowledge 

Translations into the Japanese Language 

Personalism, by B. P. Bowne 

Christian Theology^ by William Adams Brown 



America and the Orient 

our LINES OF 
A CONSTRUCTIVE POLICY 



BY 

SIDNEY L. GULICK 

Secretary of the Commission on Peace and Arbitration of the 
Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America 

Secretary of the American Branch of the World Alliance for 
Promoting International Friendship through the Churches 

Missionary in Japan under the American Board since 1887 



Published jointly by 
Missionary Education Movement 

and 
Laymen's Missionary Movement 



NEW YORK 

MISSIONARY EDUCATION MOVEMENT 

OF THE UNITED STATES AND CANADA 

I916 



iN.'i^^ 






Copyright, 19 16, by 
MISSIONARY EDUCATION MOVEMENT 
OF THE UNITED STATES AND CANADA 



JUL -6 1916 



>CI.A4336J3 



CONTENTS 

CHAPTER PAGE 

Editorial Note vii 

Preface ix 

I The Problem i 

II The First Policy 13 

III The Second Policy 29 

IV The Third Policy 43 

Conclusion 75 

APPENDIXES 

A Statistical Tables and Charts 79 

Tables Showing How the Five Per Cent. Restriction 
Proposal Would Have Affected Immigration for the 

Period 1911-1915 82 

Tables Showing How the Five Per Cent. Restriction 
Proposal Would Have Affected Immigration from 
Japan, China, and Italy for each of the Five Years 

Indicated 84 

Growth of Immigration 85 

The Five Per Cent. Restriction Proposal 86 

The Five Per Cent. Restriction Proposal and Immigra- 
tion from all Peoples 87 

The Five Per Cent. Restriction Proposal and Immigra- 
tion from Europe ; 88 

Comparison of Actual and Permissible Immigration.. 89 
The Five Per Cent. Restriction Proposal and Immigra- 
tion from Italy 90 

The Five Per Cent. Restriction Proposal and Immigra- 
tion from Japan 91 

The Five Per Cent. Restriction Proposal and Immigra- 
tion from China 92 

B Bibliography 93 

V 



EDITORIAL NOTE 

The Missionary Education Movement and the Lay- 
men's Missionary Movement earnestly invite the serious 
attention of the constituency of the Christian Church to 
the moral issues and questions of Christian principles 
involved in the relationships of America and the Orient. 
These questions cannot be solved by diplomacy alone. 
They can be solved only by national application of the 
Golden Rule to our relations with these lands. 

While these Movements are concerned solely with the 
Christian principles involved and can assume no respon- 
sibility for specific legislative proposals, we urge, never- 
theless, upon Christian citizens, the careful study of the 
proposals for comprehensive immigration legislation that 
have been worked out by Dr. Gulick, and also of any 
similar proposals tending to the solution of these problems 
in a way thoroughly honorable to the peoples concerned. 



vn 



PREFACE 

A moral as well as a political crisis confronts the 
American people in regard to the problems raised by 
our international relations. What is to be America's 
moral response to the new world situation created by the 
European Tragedy and the Awakening of Asia? Is 
America to follow in the footsteps of the old world-order, 
which bases international relations on selfish interests 
and brute force, or is America to lead in establishing a 
new world-order, the order of Golden Rule Constructive 
Internationalism? The turning point in our national life 
is at hand. Careful study and prompt action are urged. 

When the California- Japanese tension became acute in 
1913, missionaries in Japan sent a memorial to the 
Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America 
requesting that it "appoint a commission to study the 
whole question in its relation to the teachings of Jesus" 
and ''that it seek to rally the Christian forces of the 
United States for the solution of this problem and for 
the promotion of such measures as are in accord with the 
highest standards of Christian statesmanship.'' 

The writer presented this memorial to the Federal 
Council which led to the formation by the Council of its 
Commission on Relations with Japan. As representative 
of this Commission, as Secretary of the Federal Council 
Commission on Peace and Arbitration and also as Sec- 
retary of the American Council of the World Alliance 
for Promoting International Friendship throughout the 
Churches, he has enjoyed wide opportunity for addresses 
on America's Asiatic problems and policies. 

ix 



X PREFACE 

While the Federal Council and the American Council 
of the World Alliance obviously could not commit them- 
selves to the details of his proposals, they are neverthe- 
less profoundly concerned with the general ethical prin- 
ciples involved in our international relations and for this 
reason they have given him their moral support as well 
as an extraordinary opportunity for presenting the entire 
problem of the relations of America to the Orient. 

The discussion presented in the following pages was 
given in brief outline in an address before the Confer- 
ence on International Relations held at Cornell Univer- 
sity in June, 191 5. A fuller statement of the argument 
was prepared for the proceedings of the Confer- 
ence with the title ''America's Asiatic Problem.'' That 
chapter of the ''Proceedings" was issued as a special 
edition of the January (1916) number of the "Interna- 
tional PoHty News." 

The title adopted for this book more accurately de- 
scribes the contents and the method of the discussion 
than does the former title, "America's Asiatic Problem." 
The material has been carefully revised and the argument 
enlarged and strengthened at various points. Having in 
mind the needs of classes, the arguments have been 
presented in broad outlines and with the briefest possible 
statement. 

The writer is indebted to Mr. Fred B. Foulk for the 
bibliography, and to the World Peace Foundation for per- 
mission to make free use of the third chapter of the 
"Proceedings of the Cornell Conference." 

Sidney L. Gulick. 
New York City, May i, ipi6. 



America and the Orient 

I 

THE PROBLEM 

I. Europe s Tragedy and America's Awakening 

America has suddenly awakened to the character of 
the modern world situation and the frightful nature of 
modern warfare. Many believe that the United States 
is herself in danger of being attacked or drawn into the 
world conflict. 

The vast majority of Americans honestly and earn- 
estly desire peace. They wish peace for themselves, 
both now and in the future. Their desire is permanent 
peace for the whole world. They would fain tell Europe 
how to adjust her international and interracial political 
afifairs so as to provide for permanent peace. They sug- 
gest, and even urge, the organization of the United States 
of Europe. They proclaim the importance of the prompt 
establishment of a World Supreme Court and a League 
of Nations to Enforce Peace, making the armies of the 
nations serve merely as a world police to restrain and 
discipline self-willed, turbulent, or aggressive nations. 

A considerable section of our most prominent citizens 
hold danger of war to be so imminent that common 
prudence demands immediate enlargement of our mili- 
tary and naval forces. National security depends 



2 AMERICA AND THE ORIENT 

chiefly, they insist, on mihtary preparedness. Others 
are saying that permanent world peace is possible only 
by the establishment and maintenance of international 
justice, and the only hope of world justice lies in the 
establishment of a world court supported by international 
police. They accordingly devote their energies to the 
discussion of ways and means for securing these. 

The writer, however, is amazed at the apparent apathy 
of all in regard to those matters with which we have 
immediate and unavoidable responsibility; namely, our 
relations with Asia. In the establishment of world peace 
we neglect the pressing duties immediately at hand while 
we concern ourselves energetically with matters relatively 
remote. We ignore our own wrong doings, which are 
producing the international irritation and tension which 
lead to war, while we call upon other nations and races 
to deal righteously with one another. 

To be specific, our disregard of treaty pledges to China, 
our humiliating treatment of Chinese and Japanese, and 
our popular cultivation of anti-Asiatic suspicion, ani- 
mosity and fear are producing a spirit and an attitude 
both in the Orient and in America that may ultimately 
result in conflict. The history of the rise and culmina- 
tion of Europe's tragedy throws lurid light on America's 
attitude toward Asia and on our dealings with Asiatics. 
We are marching steadily forward in the path that 
Europe has trodden for the past fifty years, the result 
of which is the present conflict. 

The causes of the European tragedy are now fairly 
clear. In brief, they are the selfish, national and racial 
ambitions, aggressions and oppressions, justified by the 
materialistic theory of evolution through the struggle for 



THE PROBLEM 3 

existence and the survival of the strongest, the conviction 
that might and need make right, secret diplomacy, in- 
trigue, falsified international news, cultivated suspicion, 
fear, animosity, and enormous expenditures for mili- 
tary preparedness. 

Will America learn the lesson? Will v/e learn to deal 
righteously and justly with Asia and Asiatics? Will we 
place the giving of justice above the demanding of 
rights? Will we regard international and interracial 
righteousness and good-will as more important methods 
of providing for national security and permanent peace 
than the building of large navies and the purchase of 
mountains of ammunition? Will we discover that armed 
peace is in fact but a truce, and a truce that will inevitably 
be broken when the time is ripe? Will we learn that 
enormous and increasing armaments increase suspicion 
among all one's neighbors, compeUing them to resort like- 
wise to the same methods of providing for their national 
security ? 

Has not Europe's tragedy taught us that there is only 
one safe method for insuring national safety and per- 
manent peace, namely, the method of ourselves deal- 
ing righteously, even generously, with our neighbors? 

When we begin to seek not security at any price, nor 
peace at any price, but righteousness at any cost, then, 
and only then, shall we be fairly started on the road to 
permanent peace. 

Americans who are earnest for the establishment of 
the peace of the world will see to it that we at once 
undertake to solve the problem of our relations with 
Asia in the only way that will really solve it. Those 
Americans who do not interest themselves in the recti- 



4 AMERICA AND THE ORIENT 

iication of our laws and of our treatment of Asia and 
Asiatics must be judged as either ignorant of the seri- 
ousness of the problem, or not really earnest in the 
establishment of world peace. 

World Militarism or Golden Rule Internationalism — 
these are the alternatives. Which of these paths 
America is to follow is the great problem now con- 
fronting her. The choice will be indicated by the way 
in which we decide to treat Asia and Asiatics. Shall we 
bring our laws into harmony with our principles, pro- 
fessions and pledges, or shall we increase our arma- 
ments and continue to disregard our moral obligations? 
Shall we base national safety primarily on the size, 
wealth and power of our nation and our preparedness 
for instant conflict, or on the cultivation of interna- 
tional good- will and confidence through the practise of 
justice, helpfulness and good-neighborliness ? 

These questions find their immediate and practical 
application in the relations of the United States to 
China and Japan, therefore they should be carefully 
studied by the rank and file of the responsible citizen- 
ship throughout our land. In their hands lies the fate- 
ful decision. Shall the United States promote World 
Militarism, or will it lead in the practise of Golden Rule 
Internationalism ? 

2. The Asiatic Problem 

Who coined the term ''Yellow Peril" ? What is meant 
by it? What is the objection to the term? Is there any 
better name for the problem indicated? 

I. A Definition, Let the student try to define the term 
before considering the following suggestion. After 



THE PROBLEM 5 

completing the course of study let him again return 
to the question of an adequate definition. 

The Asiatic Problem signifies that group of questions 
and difficulties confronting the peoples of Europe and 
America due to the adoption by the nations of Asia of 
the material elements of occidental civilization, and their 
entry thereby into the life of the world, 

II. The Elements Distinguished, The Asiatic Prob- 
lem has many elements which need to be distinguished : 

1. The Economic Factor. (a) Through enormous 
Asiatic migration into white men's lands and by work 
at a low scale of wages there will be a lowering of the 
scale of life for Caucasian workers. *^White laborers 
cannot compete with Asiatics.'' 

(b) Through development, with cheap labor, of 
enormous manufacturing plants in Asia, and the flood- 
ing of occidental markets with all kinds of manu- 
factured goods ''made in Asia" cheaper than we can 
possibly produce them in the west, our manufacturers 
and laboring classes will be hopelessly ruined. 

2. The Military Factor, (a) Through the adoption 
by Japan and China of occidental science and espe- 
cially of military and naval machinery and methods, 
Asiatics are becoming our equals in warfare. 

(b) By their military power Asiatics will be increas- 
ingly able to dispute the supremacy of the white races 
and will compel them to surrender special privileges and 
rights acquired and long held in Asia by military superi- 
ority. 

(c) Because of her enormous population, Asia when 
educated, armed and united, will be able to overwhelm 
the white people even in their own lands. Asia's enor- 



6 AMERICA AND THE ORIENT 

mous fecundity and reckless disregard of life will enable 
her to raise such enormous armies and navies as to 
render successful competition impossible by the nations 
of the West. 

3. The Racial Factor. Asiatic blood, brains and civil- 
ization are inherently inferior to those of the white 
races. They are moreover completely unassimilable. 
An Asiatic is always Asiatic in ideas, ideals, motives 
and character, and cannot possibly become Caucasian. 
The intermarriage of Caucasians and Asiatics is abhor- 
rent ; the offspring are mongrels, inheriting the bad qual- 
ities of both races, the good qualities of neither. All 
offspring, moreover, seeing they have Asiatic blood, are 
essentially Asiatic. The supremacy of Asiatics through 
low economic standards and bare military force will 
mean the incursion into the white man's land of milHons 
of Asiatics. This will inevitably not only reduce the 
western scale of life but will also render inevitable wide 
intermarriage of Asiatics and Caucasians, insuring thus 
the final downfall of the white man with his civilization 
and the complete Asiatization of the world. 

The above are the factors usually urged. They 
deserve careful study. Are they unadulterated truth 
or do they contain also elements of error? If the latter, 
how much is true and how much false ? 

4. The Moral Factor, (a) How have the advanced 
and powerful nations of the West been treating the 
nations and races of Asia? Have they been solicitous 
for righteousness and justice? In seeking their own 
advantage have they also sought the advantage of 



THE PROBLEM • 7 

Asiatics? Have Asiatics been justified in resenting and 
resisting the advance of occidental peoples? Has there 
been in Asia anything that may be rightly called the 
''White Peril"? Has the sovereignty of Asiatic nations 
been invaded? Has advantage been taken of their 
weakness or inexperience? Have treaties been faith- 
fully observed? Have European and American traders 
and governments practised the ''Golden Rule"? Plave 
not Asiatics been ruthlessly exploited, economically, 
commercially, politically? And what is to be said of 
the sexual immorality of white men in Asia? 

In what sense, if any, have the white nations a "right" 
to the natural resources of Asia? In view of the count- 
less temptations into which white men have fallen in 
their dealings with Asiatics are we justified in speak- 
ing of a Moral Peril involved in our Asiatic relations? 

(b) What treaty-provisions has America made with 
China and Japan? Has America faithfully kept those 
treaty pledges? Have Congress and the United States 
Supreme Court and the Presidents of the successive 
administrations been faithful to their respective duties 
in the matter of treaty observance? 

(c) Is not the most ominous "Yellow Peril" to-day, 
and the only one actually existing, the sensation-loving 
public catered to by the sensational press? Interna- 
tional falsehoods seem to be deliberately cultivated. 
Consider how the economic interests of many groups 
of Americans are advanced by widely promulgated and 
generally accepted war-scare stories, such as manufac- 
turers of guns, ammunition, steel plate armor ; caterers to 
Army and Navy; manufacturers and contractors for all 

i kinds of material used in the army and navy. 



8 AMERICA AND THE ORIENT 

Consider how war-scare stories have been periodically 
circulated when Congress is asked to vote army and 
navy appropriations. Consider how eagerly people read 
the sensational story and how difficult it is to get a full 
statement of the sober facts into the daily press. 

Investigate the facts of the following war-scare stories : 

Japanese plans for acquisition of Magdalena Bay. 

Japanese secret treaty with Mexico and sale to Mexico 
of arms. 

Japanese occupation of Turtle Bay. 

Japanese old soldiers in California armed, organized 
and drilling. 

Japanese purchase of lots in the vicinity of Dupont 
Powder Works. 

Japanese spies in the United States, photographing, 
surveying, sounding harbors, etc. 

Japanese plans for the acquisition of California, 
Alaska, etc. 

Japanese designs on Hawaii and the Philippines. 

Find the German Cartoon on the ''Yellow Peril'' and 
the Japanese reply cartoon. (See Reference Literature.) 

A serious problem is evidently arising between the East 
and the West. Whether the above named widely circu- 
lated stories are true or false, they are popularly accepted, 
and that acceptance is causing a serious psychological 
situation with considerable international tension. Tension 
and mutual suspicion seem to be growing both in 
America and in Japan. China as yet is not much feared, 
but this is because she has not yet developed her arma- 
ments to the degree that Japan has, nor has the Chinese 
nation attained national self-consciousness to any great 
degree. These, however, will come as surely as sunrise 



THE PROBLEM 9 

follows the dawn. Asia is awaking. Napoleon described 
Asia as a sleeping giant. ''Let her sleep/' he said; ''for 
when Asia awakes she will shake the world.'' Does not 
that depend on the spirit that rules her? And does not 
that spirit depend on the kind of treatment she receives 
from the white man? 

Stated in the briefest terms, the problem is to adjust 
the relations of the great nations of the East and the 
West in such ways that their new contact shall be 
mutually advantageous rather than disastrous. 

Three distinct policies may be distinguished among 
the proposals that are now urged by which to meet the 
Asiatic "menace.'' The respective merits and defects 
of these policies should be widely studied and under- 
stood, for in the final solution of the whole problem, 
so far as America is concerned, the rank and file of the 
responsible citizenship is vitally involved. In their hands 
lies the decision. The consequences of this decision will 
affect in a vital way, for weal or for wo, the whole 
nation and every individual in it. 

REFERENCE LITERATURE ON CHAPTER I 

For a general survey of important reference literature see 
General Bibliography at the close of the book. 

For a more adequate treatment of the subject matter touched 
upon in this chapter the reader is referred to the following 
books. 

Gulick, The Fight for Peace (1915). Chapters I-V, IX and 
XVIII. 

Lynch, The Last War (1915). 

Jefferson, Christianity and War (1915). 

Ainslie, Christ or Napoleon. Which? (1914). 

In regard to the literature suggested for each chapter and in 
the bibliographies at the end of the book the student should 



10 AMERICA AND THE ORIENT 

remember that not only are books and articles listed that support 
the contentions of the text but the strongest of those that present 
opposing views and contentions are also included. 

For Emperor William's cartoon "The Yellow Peril," and the 
Japanese response cartoon "The German Peril," cf. "The Sunset 
Magazine," January, 1915. 

To aid in definition of the Asiatic Problem see the statements 
made by various writers in "Annals of the American Academy 
of Political and Social Science," September, 1909. 

Gulick, The American Japanese Problem. Chapters I-IV 
and XI-XV. 

Gulick, The Fight for Peace, Chapters IX, X. 

An adequate investigation of the Asiatic Problem should in- 
clude careful study of the treaties. Pertinent extracts of these 
are given in the Appendix of The American Japanese Problem. 

For the treatment experienced by Chinese in America and for 
a full statement of the treaty infringements of American Chinese 
exclusion legislation see Chinese Immigration. 

For a list of recent magazine articles pro and anti Japanese, 
evoked by California's Anti-Alien Land Legislation, see Appendix 
of The American Japanese Problem, 314. 

For a sober statement of the situation of Japanese in America 
and the problems created thereby, from the standpoint of a 
Japanese educated in America, see Kawakami, Asia at the Door. 

For a scientific statement regarding Japanese agricultural 
and other workers in the United States see The Japanese Problem 
in the United States. This work is a report of an investigation 
undertaken by its author, Prof.-H. A. Millis, at the request of 
the Commission on Relations with Japan of the Federal Council 
of the Churches of Christ in America. The author is Professor 
of Economics in the University of Kansas. 

For a study of the question of Race Assimilation, see The 
American Japanese Problem, Chapters VII-IX. A briefer state- 
ment of the same position is given in The Fight for Peace, 
chapter XI. 

For facts on occidental aggressions in the Far East, see the 
White Peril in the Far East, also the The American Japanese 
Problem, chapter XIII. 



THE PROBLEM ii 

As to the War-Scare Stories and their refutations there is 
urgent need of an adequate work giving a collection of both 
Japanese-American and American-Japanese stories. The absurd- 
ity of most of the Japanese spy stories is manifest on their face. 
Why take soundings of American harbors when they are accur- 
ately recorded in easily purchasable nautical books? And why 
take extensive landscape photographs when they may be easily 
bought? As for Japanese soldiers in America armed and drilling 
see The American Japanese Problem, pp. 80 and 88. For the 
stories about Magdalena and Turtle Bay see the magazines of 
recent years. In regard to the war-scare statements that German 
or Japanese army authorities have carefully prepared plans for 
attacking this or that American port, the students should call 
to mind the fact that it is the business of military and naval 
officers of every land to draw up specific plans for repelling or 
attacking various imaginary foes. 



II 

THE FIRST POLICY 

I. White Race World Supremacy 

The, first and most vociferously advocated policy for 
meeting the Asiatic Problem, commonly called by this 
group the ''Yellow Peril," is that which emphasizes the 
military, economic and racial factors of the problem. 
It sees no alternative but white race world supremacy, 
through superior military might exercised promptly, or 
final and complete overthrow of the white race and its 
civilization by a completely victorious and overwhelm- 
ing Asiatic invasion. ''World supremacy for the white 
man or his downfall" is the vision of those who advocate 
this first policy. 

The avowed purpose of this group, therefore, is to 
maintain the race purity and the economic and military 
world supremacy of the white man. They would secure 
these ends : 

1. Through complete exclusion of all Asiatic labor, 
from lands now in possession of white nations and thus 
prevent direct economic competition. 

2. Through high protective tariff they would exclude 
all cheap manufactured articles that in any way compete 
with Caucasian-made articles. Thus they would prevent 
indirect economic competition. 

3. Through military and naval force they would retain, 

13 



14 AMERICA AND THE ORIENT 

and even increase, the white man's hold on Asiatic ter- 
ritory. This would enable the white nations to suppress 
at the start dangerous Asiatic military and naval plans 
and movements. 

4. Through possession by occidentals, so far as pos- 
sible, of Asiatic natural resources, mineral wealth and 
railroad concessions they would provide for ownership 
by the white races of the wealth of the world. 

5. By keeping from Asiatics, so far as possible, knowl- 
edge of the latest occidental military and naval inven- 
tions they would keep them in complete military infer- 
iority, whatever might be their numbers. 

6. Through legislation forbidding intermarriage of 
Caucasians with Asiatics they would maintain the purity 
of Caucasian blood and heredity. 

In general, those who advocate the above policies 
regard the white man as intrinsically superior to every 
other race and therefore as endowed with special divine 
right to rule the world ; it is quite right for him to seize 
its wealth and by force to keep all other races in the 
position of economic, military and political inferiority. 
The "manifest destiny" of the other races is to serve as 
''hewers of wood and drawers of water." They are to 
live and labor for the benefit of the white racie. The 
white man is a privileged individual. The essential 
superiority of the white man is proven by the color of 
his skin, the vigor of the defense of his rights and honor, 
and the character of his civilization. 

2. Effects of the First Policy on the White Race 

Before attempting to make a critical estimate of the 
policy outlined above, it will be well to consider the 



THE FIRST POLICY 15 

effects of such a policy. What would be the effects on 
the white nations themselves were this to become the uni- 
versally accepted policy and program of the West? 
Is the following enumeration adequate and correct? 

1. Race pride and race prejudice would surely increase 
by leaps and bounds. But does not pride precede, nay, 
inevitably cause, the fall of a race as that of an individ- 
ual? Have we not historical examples of this principle? 
Babylon? Egypt? Rome? Greece? 

2. Would not the utiHzation of other races for menial 
service, as inferiors, produce a psychological condition 
that would surely result in race deterioration and final 
ruin? 

3. The policy of white race world-supremacy is racially 
selfish, materialistic, and frankly militaristic, and would 
inevitably lower the entire moral life of the Occident. 

4. Such a poHcy, moreover, entirely ignores the rights 
of Asiatics and the imperative duty on the part of the 
white nations of giving them justice. 

5. The fundamental principle of such a policy is that 
''might makes right." Would not the adoption of such 
a principle in dealing with other races lead directly and 
inevitably to its increasing application not only between 
white nations themselves but also between competing 
groups and classes in the same white nation? Would 
not injustice or denial of rights to Asiatics as a general 
and recognized policy in any country, endanger civil and 
political liberty and justice in that same country ?i 

6. Is not this policy of white race world-supremacy 



1 If " might makes right," then as soon as Asiatics have the might will they not 
have also the right to overrun Europe and America and exterminate their ex- 
cessive white population? 



i6 AMERICA AND THE ORIENT 

one that is really afraid to meet the Asiatic on terms 
of equal opportunity? Is it not therefore a poHcy of 
implied race inferiority? 

7. The chasm between capital and labor in Christen- 
dom would be increased, with all its ominous conse- 
quences. In proportion to the success of the policy, 
the white nations would indeed become wealthy, but 
that wealth would not be equally distributed. The cap- 
italistic classes of the West would possess the wealth of 
Asia while the working classes would, as before, be 
dependent upon their own toil. 

8. The evils of absentee landlordism would be multi- 
plied, with degenerative luxury and irresponsibility for 
the owning and ruling class of Christendom, and the 
crushing poverty and misery for the toihng millions of 
Asia. 

9. For the successful carrying out of the above policy 
would there not be needed for America a large increase 
of military and naval armaments? For such a policy 
can be carried out only by overpowering military force. 
The complete subjugation of Asia means surely the 
complete militarization of the Occident. 

10. The complete militarization of the Occident, how- 
ever, would mean the complete disappearance of democ- 
racy. The dominance of one involves 'the destruction 
of the other. 

11. If European and American capitahsts gain mili- 
tary and financial control of Asia is it not clear that 
they will erect enormous manufacturing establishments 
in Asia, where labor and raw material are cheap ? What 
will capital care about our own labor if it can earn larger 
dividends by investments in Asia? Will it not exploit 



THE FIRST POLICY 17 

Asiatic labor in Asia to the ruin of economically less 
efficient Caucasian labor in Europe and America? 

12. Would not such a policy, moreover, prevent the 
wholesome evolution even of the white races them- 
selves, economically, politically and socially no less than 
morally and spiritually? Would not emphasis be con- 
tinually laid on the lower aspects of civilization to the 
permanent loss of emphasis on the higher factors? 

13. In its denial of the essential unity of mankind and 
our common human brotherhood does not the policy 
run counter to the great movements of human progress? 
Is there any more remarkable phenomenon of modern 
times than the amazing rapidity with which the whole 
world, regardless of its races and their history and dif- 
ferences, is becoming unified through universal trade, 
financial and postal systems, common education, universal 
science, the adoption of common political practises and 
ideals, and the development even of identical moral and 
religious aspirations? Is not the welfare of any section 
of the world intimately dependent upon the welfare of 
every other section? Do not national ''slums" endanger 
every neighboring nation — for example, Cuba ? Mexico ? 
Does not this policy of white race world-supremacy 
threaten the true welfare even of the white nations by 
necessitating the degradation of the remaining races? 

We conclude that, though the proposed policy might 
easily be carried out for a period of many decades, pos- 
sibly for a century or two, its ultimate consequences 
even to the West are sure to be morally, economically 
and politically disastrous. Democracy could not be per- 
manently maintained, for militarism and democracy are 
incompatible. 



i8 AMERICA AND THE ORIENT 

3. Effects of the First Policy on Asiatic Peoples 

The successful carrying out of the pohcy outHned 
would also have effects on the peoples of Asia which 
merit careful consideration. Is the following enumera- 
tion correct and adequate? 

1. The complete and definite acceptance by America 
of Asiaphobia would surely evoke in Asia deep resent- 
ment, indignation and a policy of retaliation. Japan 
already feels humiliated by American treatment, and 
has publicly said so in her official diplomatic correspond- 
ence. The romantic friendship of Japan for America, 
and her absolute confidence in America's international 
justice and idealism, have already been seriously strained, 
and threaten to be completely lost, by even the slight 
application already practised of an anti-Asiatic policy. 

2. Fifty years of contact with the West has taught 
Japan that she can secure her rights and even her polit- 
ical sovereignty, only as she is prepared to argue with 
the white man with bayonets and battle-ships. 

3. Can we doubt that China will follow the same 
course of development as Japan has taken? China has 
definitely abandoned her ancient systems of education, 
government and communication, and is acquiring as 
rapidly as possible the practises and the instruments of 
occidental countries. This enormous change has been 
entered upon in consequence of European military ag- 
gression, and as a means whereby to oppose it ultimately 
and maintain independence. 

4. Can we doubt the development in China, as in 
Japan, of deep moral indignation and resentment at the 
arrogance of other races in their assumption of inherent 



THE FIRST POLICY 19 

superiority and right to own the earth and to exploit 
all races, keeping them in economic and political infer- 
iority and subjection? 

5. Would not the above described anti- Asiatic policy 
produce such a feeling of pride, of rivalry, of ambition 
and indignation as would ultimately render inevitable a 
world-war of the races in comparison with which, as 
many believe, the present tragedy in Europe would pale 
into insignificance? Certain it is that many already 
begin to foresee and to predict such a world catastrophe. 

6. The economic efifect on Asiatics of exploitation by 
European capitalists needs careful study. Suppose that 
European capitalists owned the mines, the railroads, the 
shipping lines and the factories of Asia. They would 
of course employ labor at the cheapest possible wages; 
laborers in China are practically unlimited. Capital 
would be able, through lobbies and vast bribery and 
intrigue, to control legislation in Asia to suit its own 
interests. Whence could come the moral force that 
would enact reform legislation, demanding a rising 
scale of wages, better hygienic conditions, shorter hours 
of work, and a one-day rest in seven for Asiatic laborers? 
Oriental labor employed by occidental capital, finding 
itself unable to secure better labor conditions, would 
easily resort to violence and destruction of property. 
Occidental capital, however, would at once resort to 
military invasion by which to crush labor agitation. 
In such a situation how could wholesome conditions 
for labor ever arise? 

7. Such a capitalistic policy, moreover, successfully 
carried out for a century or two, would steadily drain 
off the wealth of Asia into the pockets of Europe and 



20 AMERICA AND THE ORIENT 

America. The problems of labor and capital would be 
expanded to world-wide scope and in their worst forms. 
The degradation of Asia would be inevitable. 

8. Such a policy, accordingly, though successfully car- 
ried out, would prevent the wholesome development of 
China, Japan and India, and make it impossible for that 
great section of the human race to attain its own best 
development and make its best contribution to the world- 
civilization. 

9. In the final struggle for world-supremacy many are 
already predicting the victory of the Chinese because 
of their vast population, their fecundity, their patience, 
their economic efificiency and their dogged will. How 
will they treat the white race, if they win their suprem- 
acy by military might, in the face of the arrogance and 
injustice practised by the white races in their effort to 
keep the yellow and brown races in subjection? 

Is it not clear that the general adoption by the white 
nations of a policy aiming at world-supremacy through 
superior military power would, even though relatively 
successful for a season, bring ultimate disaster to the 
entire world? 

4. A Critical Study of the Alleged ''Yellow Peril" 

Effort was made in Chapter I, Section 2, to state the 
Asiatic Problem in the form usually urged. The popular 
reaction to the so-called ''Yellow Peril" was stated and 
its elements distinguished in Section i, Chapter II. The 
two succeeding sections considered the consequences 
that would follow from the adoption of the proposed 
solution, which proposal we have named the First PoHcy. 



THE FIRST POLICY 21 

We pass now to a critical study of the statement of 
the Asiatic Problem as sketched in Chapter I. Does the 
following critical estimate seem to be justified? 

1. The migration in the course of a few years, into 
any single occidental land, of millions or even of several 
hundred thousand Asiatic laborers would unquestion- 
ably cause serious economic competition for Caucasian 
laborers. Asiatic unmarried laborers would underbid, 
outwork and outlive Caucasian laborers, especially those 
having families to support. Caucasian labor would 
doubtless be driven from any field to which Asiatic labor 
could enjoy free and unresisted admittance. 

2. The alleged danger, however, to occidental manu- 
facturing classes from the importation of articles manu- 
factured by cheap Asiatic labor is not in reality such as 
is commonly asserted. For it is to be remembered that 
the West cannot purchase goods manufactured in Asia 
unless Asia purchases corresponding values from us. 
In proportion, however, as Asiatics purchase from us 
will they give us work. In proportion, moreover, as 
they sell to us will they be able to buy from us. 

3. There is nevertheless a second form of industrial 
competition with cheap Asiatic labor that merits serious 
consideration. Suppose the plans of occidental capital- 
ists succeed for the economic and political domination 
of Asia. Let us assume also that the mining resources, 
railroad concessions, manufacturing establishments and 
merchant marine of China are practically owned by 
occidental capital. It will of course employ cheap 
Chinese labor at the cheapest possible rates. Occidental 
capital will not interest itself in raising the wages and 
the scale of life of its employees; for the greater the 



22 AMERICA AND THE ORIENT 

difference between the cost of occidental and oriental 
labor the greater the profits of capital on Asiatic manu- 
factures purchased in the West. The purchase, more- 
over, by the West of articles manufactured in the East 
will not be from oriental but from occidental capitalists. 
The West will need therefore to send to Asia in pay- 
ment only the amount needed for the actual wages and 
raw material of the cheap Asiatic labor. The profits 
will all remain in the hands of occidental capitalists. It 
is not indeed impossible that the profits from the sales 
in Asia of occidentally owned Asiatic factories, mines 
and railroads could completely pay for the raw mate- 
rial and the low wages of such labor as is employed in 
manufacturing articles for export to the West. In that 
case Asia could export to the West indefinite amounts 
of manufactured goods without needing to purchase any- 
thing whatever from the West. The transaction would 
be entirely between occidentals, the purchaser and the 
seller both being Westerners. 

Under such circumstances, the disastrous effect on 
occidental factories and factory laborers would be 
frightful. In other words, the final economic effect on 
both Asiatics and Caucasians of occidental economic 
and political domination of Asia would be highly de- 
structive of the true welfare of both East and West. It 
would prevent the real economic prosperity, social, 
mental, and moral development of Asia's millions and 
make it impossible for them to purchase much from 
the West. But the sale in the West of articles made 
in Asia, without a corresponding purchase from the 
West by the East, would reduce occidental labor to seri- 
ous economic straits, possibly even more serious than 



THE FIRST POLICY 23 

that of Asiatic labor itself. It would keep both Asiatic 
and occidental labor in complete economic bondage. 
This condition, East and West, would inevitably pro- 
duce corresponding mental and moral degeneration, and 
the final complete collapse of democracy in every occi- 
dental land. 

4. The alleged military "Yellow Peril'' is highly prob- 
lematical. That Asiatics will learn to use and may actu- 
ally acquire all the inventions of the West is altogether 
probable. That -the inventive genius, however, of occi- 
dentals has suddenly vanished is an absurd assumption. 
How soon is the Orient going to surpass the Occident 
in science, in applied chemistry, in engineering, or in 
inventive genius? That Asia will ever be able to attack 
either America or Europe with overwhelming force is 
not easily credible. Every added decade makes it less 
possible. The assertion and the wide-spread fear of 
an Asiatic invasion are indeed useful devices for pro- 
moting the prosperity of manufacturers of army and 
navy material. They are, however, not to be unquali- 
fiedly credited. 

5. That Asia is likely to develop armaments for the 
defense of her rights and the maintenance of her sov- 
ereignty against wanton and aggressive peoples seems 
altogether likely. Nay, it is proper, and on the whole, 
is it not desirable? 

6. The statement that ''Asiatic blood, brains and civil- 
ization are inherently inferior to those of the white 
races'' is one that demands careful investigation. Is 
the statement based on scientific evidence, or is it the 
dogmatic expression of race pride and race prejudice? 

7. The question of assimilability of individuals of the 



24 AMERICA AND THE ORIENT 

one race and civilization to that of an alien race and 
civilization demands careful study. Distinction must be 
made between social assimilation and assimilation 
through intermarriage. The two processes, and the 
laws that control them, are wholly distinct. The social 
assimilation of aggregated groups that maintain their 
own language, customs, ideals, and ambitions, regarding 
themselves as colonists or outposts of their own race, is 
doubtless practically impossible. Quite easy, however, 
is the assimilation of individuals from any people who 
do not segregate themselves, who learn the language and 
desire to become an integral element of the nation of 
their adoption. This is particularly true of the children 
of such individuals. Social assimilation can become 
practically complete without intermarriage. 

8. The problem of the intermarriage of whites with 
Asiatics is undoubtedly one of great importance. Such 
intermarriage should be strongly discouraged. This is 
however a matter for scientific determination, not for 
a priori dogmatism. Is not a commission needed, of 
experts in biology, sociology and psychology, for the 
study of this question of the intermarriage of Asiatics 
and Caucasians? After adequate and scientific investi- 
gation national legislation may seem desirable. 

9. The ambition of many to make the white race 
dominant throughout the world, controlling the eco- 
nomic, educational, and political life and growth af every 
other race through the power of superior military equip- 
ment, ignores the fact that each great race has its own 
peculiar gifts and contributions to make to the welfare 
of the world, which gifts and contributions can only 
be made through a process of free and happy develop- 



THE FIRST POLICY 25 

ment. Enforced subjection to an alien race produces a 
mental temper and an attitude that inevitably prevent 
normal growth and render impossible its best life. 
Rightly viewed the races are complementary one to the 
other; none alone is complete; none can rise even to its 
own highest and best apart from the contribution which 
the rest should make to it. 

10. History shows that mankind as a whole, has been 
passing through a process of divergent evolution, caused 
by the isolation of the different sections, and hence has 
developed the diverse races and civilizations. Each 
race has faced the same great human experiences, birth 
and death, love and hate, sorrow and joy. Each race 
has created its own system of thought and action 
whereby to make life significant and worth-while. The 
era of divergent evolution has apparently passed. That 
of interchange of all good things has come — an era of 
convergent evolution. The richness of the new era has 
been made possible through the long ages of divergent 
evolution, when many vast experiments have been tried 
out and an infinite variety of divergencies has been 
accumulated. 

Consider how much Europe and America to-day owe 
to Asia ; the Semites gave us the Bible, with the Prophets 
and Jesus; the Arabs gave us their system of numerical 
notation ; India and China gave many an invaluable con- 
tribution to civilization. Surely race arrogance is based 
on ignorance. 

The selfish militaristic policy for the maintenance of 
the world-supremacy of the white race not only ignores 
all this but renders impossible its wholesome develop- 
ment. An attitude of hostility between the East and the 



26 AMERICA AND THE ORIENT 

West based on mutual fear, suspicion, scorn and disdain 
would make it impossible for the white nations to impart 
their own spiritual best to the peoples of Asia, and 
would also make it impossible for us to acquire from 
them their spiritual best. 

Already the work of Christian missionaries in Japan 
and China is seriously hampered by the anti-Asiatic 
agitation of the Pacific Coast States. The giving to 
Asia of the Christian religion will be increasingly diffi- 
cult in proportion as the teachings of missionaries, 
regarding human brotherhood and love of neighbors, is 
belittled by the selfish action of the nations from which 
the missionaries go. 

REFERENCE LITERATURE ON CHAPTER II 
I. White Race World Supremacy 

For the statements of those who fear the "Yellow Peril" and 
for their plans of resistance see The American Japanese Problem, 
Chapter XII. See also Homer Lea's The Valor of Ignorance, 
and Capt. Hobson's addresses. 

2. Effects of the First Policy on the White Race 

The writer is not acquainted with any discussion of the subject 
matter of this section. Students who find pertinent literature 
will confer a favor by reporting it. 

3. Effects of the First Policy on Asiatic Peoples 

On this subject also the writer knows of no careful discussion. 

The fears, suspicions and animosities developed in the Asiatics 
through white aggression are indicated in the quotations given 
in chapter XIII of The American Japanese Problem. 

A striking article expressing resentment and assurance of 
ultimate vengeance is given in the ''Sunset Magazine" for 
January, 191 5, entitled 'The Yellow Fist," by Ackmed Abdullah. 



THE FIRST POLICY 27 

4. A Critical Study of the Alleged "Yellow Peril" 

Literature dealing with the matters considered in this chapter 
has been called forth principally by the immigration of Japanese 
into California. For this reason the material to which the reader 
is referred deals predominantly with the situation in that state. 
It is to be regretted that many of the articles written on the 
Japanese problem as it exists in California are unbalanced. In 
general it may be assumed that sweeping generalizations are at 
least misleading. 

It is to be noted also that many articles that take up the 
question of assimilability of Asiatics, or their intrinsic inferiority 
to whites, deal with dogmatic assertions. There is little effort 
to handle the matter in a scientific way. 

In The American Japanese Problem the author has ranged 
over most of the problems touched on in this chapter. The 
question of assimilation is treated in chapters VII-IX, and of 
dangers of a Japanese military invasion of America in chapters 
XIV, XV. 

The Problem of Race Equality, by Gustav Spiller, is a book 
that should be studied. (World Peace Foundation.) 



Ill 

THE SECOND POLICY 

I. World Segregation of the White and Yellow 

Races 

A second policy for dealing with the Asiatic Problem 
has recently been differentiated gradually from that de- 
scribed in Chapter II. It recognizes the injustice to 
Asiatics of the white man's wanton aggressions. It 
recognizes that Asiatics have full right to their own 
territory, natural resources, and a complete sovereignty 
therein. It admits that Asiatics are in many respects 
our equals, sometimes even our superiors, and that, there- 
fore, the attitude of those white people who disdain the 
Asiatics as inferior, who would exclude them from our 
lands in ways that reflect on their character and attain- 
ments, is humiliating to them and reprehensible in us. 
Such an attitude, it is argued, shows ignorance both of 
them and of ourselves, and is an expression of senseless 
race pride and race prejudice. This second policy never- 
theless holds that the admission of Asiatics into Cauca- 
sian territory is a distinct danger. The reason for that 
danger is not that Asiatics are inferior but only that they 
are profoundly different. 

In general the proposal of this group is that Asiatics 
and Caucasians should mutually agree to keep out of 
each other's territory except the small number of mer- 
chants that may be needful for the transaction of busi- 
ness. Even their residence should be temporary. Trav- 

29 



30 AMERICA AND THE ORIENT 

elers and students should of course be freely admitted, 
but they should not be allowed to settle permanently in 
the alien land. The East and the West should be mutu- 
ally friendly, should carry on commerce to the fullest 
and freest extent compatible with their respective wel- 
fares, each being judge of its own interests. The mutual 
exchange of all good things should be cultivated. But 
there should be no intermixture of populations, and 
absolutely no intermarriage. This policy w^ould allow 
Asiatics full swing in Asia with opportunity for free 
self development there, even as white men demand free 
opportunity for development in their own lands. 

But this second policy also dreads the development of 
Asiatic power. It recognizes the congested condition 
of Asiatic populations and cannot believe that they will 
consent to remain permanently confined to their own 
lands, when they come to know of the vast territories 
only partially occupied in other parts of the world. 
Hence it follows that the West must be prepared to resist 
Asiatic aggression, pending the day, not far distant, 
when the Asiatic will attempt to invade white men's 
lands, and demand opportunity for Asiatic migration to 
these lands less populous than their own and possessing 
more undeveloped resources. This policy accordingly 
advocates .the rapid development of armaments for the 
resistance of such Asiatic demands. Unless we are pre- 
pared we shall be vanquished. 

Such are the main outlines of this second policy. It 
needs, however, more exact statement. Its main asser- 
tions and principles may be enumerated as follows: 

I. Japan is quite right in resenting occidental invasion 
of the Orient. She has done well in equipping herself 



THE SECOND POLICY 31 

with the instruments of modern warfare and in checking 
the miHtary aggressions of Russia. 

2. Japan and China are great nations. They have had 
a noble history and are destined to play an important 
role in the future history of mankind. 

3. Asiatics, however, are so different from Caucasians 
that their intermixture in the same territory is undesir- 
able. This is not because they are inferior to us, but only 
because they are different. Their ways of thought, of 
Hfe, of government, of morals and religion are so 
diverse from ours that they and we, like oil and water, 
can never mix. We might exist side by side and asso- 
ciate with each other in business, but we would never 
really understand them nor they us. 

4. It is therefore important that we exclude them 
completely from our lands; thus alone will danger of 
friction and collision be avoided. All white men's lands 
should prevent the invasion of Asiatics, especially of 
Asiatic laborers. 

5. It is also equally desirable that Asiatics should 
exclude Caucasians from their lands and prevent the 
intermarriage of the races. This would not in any way 
imply Caucasian inferiority. It would merely recognize 
the seriousness of the problem raised by the interming- 
ling of races so different as those of Asia and Europe, 
and the importance of keeping them apart. 

6. The wealth of Asia should be owned and exploited 
by Asiatics for the benefit of their own lands. Chinese 
and Japanese are fully justified in their efforts to restrain 
not only aggressive individuals from the West but also 
the aggressive invasion of occidental capital. 

7. Japan and China, however, constitute a serious 



32 AMERICA AND THE ORIENT 

danger to the West, especially to the United States. 
They are passing through a period of renaissance. They 
are rapidly acquiring the power conferred by the modern 
mastery of nature. As their power increases will their 
demands grow. When they realize how sparse is our 
population compared with theirs, and how vast are the 
undeveloped resources of the lands now possessed by 
the white man, they will insist on freedom for immigra- 
tion hither. 

8. Japan, ambitious and unscrupulous, will take ad- 
vantage of our weakness. We must therefore be ade- 
quately prepared to resist her aggression. 

9. Economic opportunities, moreover, for Asiatics in 
America should be so restricted that those now here 
would ere long find it to their advantage to return to 
their native lands. 

10. Since, however, the above course would be mis- 
understood and resented, and since Japan intends as 
soon as possible to attack America, seize our territory 
and demand free acres for her surplus population, it 
is highly important that America should begin at once 
to prepare for this danger by increasing our fortifica- 
tions in the Philippine Islands, in Hawaii, Guam, and 
on the Pacific Coast, and to increase largely our army 
and especially our navy. These military preparations 
would of course be solely for defense, not at all with a 
view to military aggression in Asia. 

2. A Critical Estimate of the Second Policy 

Before proceeding to a criticism of the second policy 
it should be noted that it coincides in many respects with 
the first policy. The criticisms therefore directed against 



THE SECOND POLICY 33 

that policy apply with equal force to those elements of 
the second policy which it holds in common with the 
first policy. And many of the criticisms presented in 
the following paragraphs apply with equal force to 
policy one. 

What now is to be said concerning the second policy? 
Are the following criticisms pertinent? 

1. Being a policy of suspicion, will it not evoke suspi- 
cion? Though it professes in words to respect the 
Asiatic, and wish him well, does it really do so? When 
he feels the pressure of our race discriminatory legisla- 
tion will he not resent it, and grow increasingly indig- 
nant? Will not such a policy result practically in the 
same national animosity and international friction as the 
first policy of frank selfishness in asserting the supremacy 
of the Caucasian race? 

2. Will not such a policy inevitably lead to the in- 
creasing of armaments in Japan and China as well as 
in America? When they see our enormous and grow- 
ing armaments, and know of our distrust of their moral 
character, is it likely that they will believe our assur- 
ances that our armaments have no aggressive aim, that 
they exist only for defense? Will they not feel it neces- 
sary to strain every nerve to arm adequately — ''not for 
aggression, but for defense'' ? 

3. And when we in our turn see their increasing arma- 
ments, will we not feel more and more convinced of 
their aggressive purposes, and of the pressing need for 
still further increasing our military and naval prepara- 
tions? And will not both sides of the Pacific enter thus 
upon the vicious circle of being ''adequately prepared'' 
against the wanton aggression of treacherous foes? 



34 AMERICA AND THE ORIENT 

4. And what would be the consequences to America 
of such a course of ''adequate" mihtary and naval pre- 
parations? Would not war-preparation taxes grow by 
leaps and bounds? Expenses for '"preparation" would 
soon exceed expenditures for all other governmental 
enterprises. ^'Safety is the first necessity." Must not a 
nation insure its existence before it may devote atten- 
tion to other matters? There would of necessity develop 
a large body of trained fighters in our army and navy 
absolutely subject to order. The spirit and mental habits 
of militarism would be more and more widely cultivated. 
Congress would be increasingly beset with lobbies of 
great manufacturing interests seeking government 
patronage. 

5. The absorption of national attention in the prob- 
lems of security through military and naval preparation, 
and the consequent withdrawal of the nation's most 
forceful personalities from positive productive enter- 
prises, would interfere on the one hand with the highest 
economic prosperity of the country and on the other 
with the solution of the pressing problems of capital 
and labor now upon us. The enactment furtherm_ore of 
suitable legislation for the attainment of social and 
economic justice would be long delayed and possibly 
permanently defeated. Those who emphasize vast 
accumulations of armaments, ammunition and trained 
fighters usually fail to see that quite as important an 
element as economic wealth and prosperity in national 
security is a people well fed and well educated, possess- 
ing a social and political order that gives justice and 
economic prosperity to all classes and individuals. 

6. The effects on China and Japan would be even more 



THE SECOND POLICY 35 

disastrous. In spite of their relative poverty they would 
be forced to expend vast sums for military and naval 
development. Such expenditures would inevitably pre- 
vent the wholesome development of their educational, 
industrial, judicial and political life. Instead of develop- 
ing democracy, absolutism would be still more firmly and 
inevitably rooted in those lands. The pressing problems 
of poverty, of social and industrial justice, and of 
capital and labor, would be necessarily neglected, to the 
enormous detriment of the masses. Their wide-spread 
economic poverty would prevent attainment of that scale 
of wages and life essential to the rise of extensive inter- 
national commerce, which would have an important 
effect on the manufacturing and industrial classes of 
the West.i 

7. Advocates of the second policy, moreover, ignore 
two important facts. Man's recent mastery of nature 
and her forces has been so great that the ancient barriers 
of space which gave occasion for the development of 
the multitudinous races and peoples have practically 
vanished. The barriers between races and peoples 
to-day are in a true sense artificial, that is, man made. 
They consist of languages, customs and religions, prej- 
udices, passions and animosities. 

The human race, however, is essentially one, of one 
blood ; sharing the same life, endowed with the same 
faculties of mind and heart and will, and undergoing 
the same fundamental experiences. The races, more- 
over, are facing each other in a new way. Their inner 



1 Let the student compare the foreign commerce of Japan, having a population 
of 50,000,000 with that of China, having 400,000,000. What would America's 
trade with China amount to if her people bought as much from us proportionacely 
as does Japan? 



36 AMERICA AND THE ORIENT 

life, no less than their outer, is rapidly coming into con- 
tact, and both are undergoing momentous changes. 
Mankind has definitely entered upon a new era, an era 
of interchange of the best things developed during the 
long centuries of isolated life, of mental, moral and spir- 
itual approach no less than of the acquisition of a com- 
mon external civilization and life. The artificial barriers 
are breaking down and passing away. 

In spite of these facts, however, this second policy 
proposes to reestablish the geographical barriers by law 
and by military might. Does it not run counter to the 
real movement of history? 

8. Those who advocate this second policy commonly 
insist on the unbridgeable chasm separating the Caucasian 
from the Asiatic mind. They are fond of the lines from 
Kipling : 

*'Oh East is East and West is West, 

And never the twain shall meet, 

Till earth and sky stand presently 

At God's great judgment seat." 

They insist that an Orientars mind and all its contents 
and operations are irrevocably fixed for him by his 
''blood" — his biological heredity. However long an 
Oriental may live in the West and however many gen- 
eration$ pf them may be born in the Occident, whoever 
carries oriental blood, they assert, is oriental in mind 
and heart and character. 

In this brief discussion it is possible only to make 
clear the contention and to ask, 'Ts it justified by scien- 
tific knowledge or is it a piece of sheer dogmatism?'' 
The writer does not hesitate to pronounce it the latter. 



THE SECOND POLICY 37 

His own studies on this question have been embodied at 
some length in three chapters in his American Japanese 
Problem. 

The contention of the policy here criticised is based 
upon superseded theories of biology, psychology and 
sociology. Whatever may be the unwisdom and unde- 
sirability of mingling the races in marriage, the com- 
plete psychological or educational assimilability of mem- 
bers of any of the virile races is incontestable. Of course 
the rapidity of the process depends much on favorable 
conditions. The time element is vital. The relative num- 
bers of the two races involved is likewise a matter of 
great importance. 

The primary assertion, however, of this second policy, 
that the Asiatic and Caucasian are intrinsically so dif- 
ferent that they can never really understand each other 
and that this distinction is grounded in their respective 
biological heredity, is a fundamental error. They who 
quote Kipling at all should also quote the very next lines 
to those cited above: 

''But there is neither East nor West, 
Border nor breed nor birth, 
When two strong men stand face to face, 
Though they come from the ends of the earth." 

9. This problem, however, of the relations of America 
to Asia is one that involves more than merely economic 
or biological considerations. Moral and religious factors 
also demand our study. 

This second policy, while not so pronouncedly brutal 
as the first, is nevertheless essentially selfish. It does 
not propose, it is true, to humiliate the Asiatic by loudly 



38 AMERICA AND THE ORIENT- 

denouncing him as inferior, yet it proclaims a final 
and dogmatic judgment against him. It emphasizes the 
harm of his presence to us. It insists that he is incap- 
able of appreciating or entering into our social life and 
political institutions. It would provide by rigid laws 
and regulations that no Asiatic may have opportunity to 
show whether or not, as a matter of fact, these dogmatic 
judgments are correct. Thus this policy is solely con- 
cerned with our exclusive welfare. It takes no thought 
for the w^elfare of the Asiatic. It does not ask whether 
or not his life among us would bring him or his people 
profit and advantage. 

There are, however, important reasons for holding 
that a certain amount of immigration and emigration 
between Asia and America, even of labor, is highly 
important. These grounds are partly economic and 
partly moral. Such intercourse, I hold, is essential to 
the best and most wholesome relation of East and West. 
Not only would it be of advantage to Asiatics, but also 
in the long run to us. The argument briefly stated is 
this: Asiatic labor needs to learn the best ideals of occi- 
dental labor in regard to its own rights and duties, to 
hygienic conditions, hours of work, periodic rest of 
one day in seven, and a scale of wages that provides for 
suitable living conditions, adequate nourishment, and 
proper support of family and education of children. 
The sooner and more effectively they learn these fea- 
tures and rights of labor the more rapidly will the scale 
of life of all Asiatics approach that of Occidentals. 
Such a condition, however, would not only be positively 
beneficial to Asiatics themselves but also to Occidentals, 
for, on the one hand, it would diminish and finally do 



THE SECOND POLICY 39 

away with the destructive economic competition of 
eastern and western labor, and on the other hand it 
would give the laboring classes of Asia such a rising 
scale of life as would promote mightily both local and 
international trade and with it the prosperity of the 
world. 

But how are Asiatic laboring classes to learn these 
ideals and develop the spirit that will insist on their 
realization? Such acquisitions will not be secured from 
books, nor from the suggestion and teachings of capital- 
istic classes. If Asiatic labor is to acquire these ideas, 
ideals and practises, it will be chiefly as it learns them by 
imitation and practise from the industrial classes of the 
West; and this will be most surely and most quickly 
accomplished if as much labor migration back and forth 
between the East and the West as possible is allowed 
without bringing harm to occidental labor. Refusal to 
give Asiatic labor this opportunity and privilege will 
both retard the wholesome development of Asia's indus- 
trial millions, and delay the development of the best 
labor conditions of the West. Labor interests through- 
out the world are closely interdependent. Labor degra- 
dation in any land hinders the right development of labor 
in every land. As far as possible labor in backward 
lands should be aided to attain better ideals, better organ- 
ization, better wages, and more wholesome conditions 
by intimate relations with labor in more advanced coun- 
tries. 

Selfishness is not only morally detestable, it is eco- 
nomically disastrous. This is equally true of individuals, 
of social classes, and of races. The new era upon which 
mankind is now entering demands manifestations of 



40 AMERICA AND THE ORIENT 

unselfish service on a vaster scale than has ever before 
been witnessed. 

lo. Finally, the second policy practically denies the 
fundamental thesis of the Christian religion, that God is 
the Father of all men and that all men are brothers. 
This point every Christian man and woman in America 
should be asked to face. Are the Japanese and the 
Chinese our brothers in the Christian sense, or are they 
not? If they are, then how can we say to them, ^'No 
matter how well you or your children may behave, nor 
how much you may learn, you shall never enter our 
land nor share our prosperity and our blessings. We 
love you, but we don't like you and we can't help you; 
be clothed and fed, but keep away from us and our 
children ; keep out of our sight." 

Is it conceivable that Orientals will believe our words 
(that we love them) to which every act gives the lie? 
Is it conceivable that the proclamation of the Christian 
faith in those lands of the Orient can make any special 
impression, when the national attitude of Christian 
America so completely disregards the most fundamental 
postulate and assertion of that faith? And if we regard 
our most precious possessions to be matters of the spirit 
and of character, truth and righteousness, uprightness 
and justice, mercy and love, how can we hope to impart 
these treasures to those great peoples and races of the 
Orient if our fundamental attitude toward them is one 
characterized by national hypocrisy and selfishness? 

If the above paragraphs have accurately diagnosed 
the policy of mutual race exclusion are we not justified 
in the judgment that this policy also is fundamentally 
wrong? Although it does not, like the first policy, pro- 



THE SECOND POLICY 41 

pose to inflict wrong on the peoples of the Orient by 
direct miHtary or economic invasion, does it not in reahty 
do them great injustice in that it practically forces upon 
them the disastrous policy of military and naval develop- 
ment after the fashion of the West and deprives them 
in important ways of the help and uplift that we might 
perhaps give them? 

If it were possible to carry out the principle of com- 
plete race segregation without the development of mutual 
suspicion, fear and ill-will, and the consequent resort 
to military preparation to insure safety, and without the 
virtual denial of the brotherhood of man, the policy 
might not be so disastrous. Such however does not seem 
to be possible. Race segregation decreed by legislation 
engenders ill-will, misunderstandings, resentn;ent, indig- 
nation, suspicion, fear and ever-increasing armaments. 

Whether or not a final conflict arises between America 
and the Orient, the disastrous consequences of the 
policy under consideration seem clear. 



IV 
THE THIRD POLICY 

I. The New Internationalism 

The third poHcy for deahng with the Asiatic problem 
decHnes even to characterize it as the ''Yellow Peril/' 
for this term introduces a subtle fallacy and antipathy 
at the very outset. It holds that the great races of man- 
kind are no chance product of nature; that in the provi- 
dence of Him who creates and rules all things some better 
goal is to be reached by all through their very diver- 
sities and the problems raised thereby, than would other- 
wise have been possible. 

This policy holds that the precedence of certain races 
in intelligence, political, economic and social life and 
in moral and religious insight and attainments places 
upon them corresponding moral obligations for right 
and helpful treatment of nations and races less priv- 
ileged, and that the further progress of the more 
advanced races themselves depends closely upon their 
observance of those obligations. Providence endows 
races in order that they may render service to the whole 
world. The giving of that service is essential to their 
own permanent welfare and wholesome development. 
Great national wealth, whether spiritual, intellectual or 
material, must be administered as a trust for the benefit 
of the world, else it will ruin its possessors. 

43 



44 AMERICA AND THE ORIENT 

* This third policy holds, moreover, that the real solu- 
tion of man's problems, those of the individual, of 
classes and of races, is ethical. The world is an indi- 
visible unit, between whose various continents, nations 
and races no hard and fast impassable barriers can be 
permanently raised. 

Selfish racial ambition, it holds, produces interna- 
tional difficulties. True and wholesome conditions can 
be established in the relations of nations and races, as 
in those of individuals, only on the principles of the 
world's great Teacher. 

In this world in which selfishness, wrong and injustice 
between nations and races have already had so much 
sway, producing enmity, fear, suspicion, indignation and 
ill-will, the only possible method of recovery is the prac- 
tise by nations as well as by individuals of the moral 
principles taught by Jesus; those namely of service and 
of sacrifice. We can overcome the enmity and sus- 
picion of those whom we have already injured, by loving 
them and doing them good. This will not only overcome 
their ill-will toward us but evoke their gratitude and 
confidence. This method in the treatment of Asiatics by 
Caucasians, and this alone, will completely solve the 
so-called ''Yellow Peril'' because it will completely and 
manifestly banish the ''White Peril." 

No country, moreover, is so happily circumstanced 
to inaugurate this policy of unselfish internationalism 
as America. Here as in no other land every citizen may 
help determine international policy. Accordingly every 
citizen has responsibility in this matter. He should 
familiarize himself with international problems and 
decide on the right international policies. 



THE THIRD POLICY 45 

The proposals, however, of those who emphasize the 
moral element in the problem of the relations of the 
Occident and the Orient may be most clearly set forth 
in a series of statements regarding, first, the fundamental 
principles, secondly their concrete embodiment in legis- 
lation and administration. 

Fundamental Principles 

1. The real test and proof of racial superiority lies 
not in the realm of military power but in that of moral 
and spiritual life. 

2. The truly great race, as the truly great man, seeks 
to give justice rather than to get rights. This policy 
advocates not peace at any price but righteousness at 
any cost. 

3. The dominance of Asia by the West, whether mili- 
tary, political or economic, is not the true goal for 
occidental effort. The proposal moreover that the East 
and the West shall lead their lives in as complete mutual 
isolation as possible, each living as far as possible for 
itself, is also fundamentally wrong. Asia's need is 
America's opportunity for invaluable service. To see 
the need and pass by unheeding and unresponsive is not 
only cruel to Asia but morally disastrous to America. 

4. The nations of the West should seek to give to the 
Orient their own best attainments in science, in political 
organization, in social order, in jurisprudence, in eco- 
nomic and industrial organization and activity, and above 
all, in moral and spiritual Hfe. The upHft of the Hfe of 
Asia as a whole is of the highest importance, not only 
for Asia herself, but also for the real welfare of the 
Occident. 



46 AMERICA AND THE ORIENT 

5. The establishment of social justice between nations 
is as important as is its establishment between the various 
classes of a single nation. 

6. The dominance of one race over others through the 
use of brute force is harmful to the victors no less than 
to the victims. 

7. Race predominance through force or fraud among 
peoples is as obnoxious, reprehensible and really dis- 
astrous as is the domination of one class over other 
classes within a single nation. Oligarchy, Plutocracy, 
Aristocracy and Mob-ocracy have been repeatedly tested 
and found wanting. So also has Race-ocracy! 

8. The treatment to be accorded to individual Chinese 
and Japanese in America should be free from personal 
injustice or race humiliation. The individual Chinese 
and Japanese should be judged and dealt with on the 
basis of individual character, not on the basis of an hypo- 
thetical race character. 

9. Right relations with China and Japan to-day de- 
mand of us a more careful regard for our treaty pledges 
and obligations than we have been wont to give. 

10. The guiding principle in American Oriental policies 
should be helpful service. Our diplomacy should place 
as its foremost aim, not the commercial or political ad- 
vantages of America regardless of the real interests of 
the peoples of the Orient, but rather mutual profit and 
advantage. No advantage should be sought for our- 
selves that brings loss to them. 

The Concrete Program 

The constructive policy now needed in establishing 
right relations with the Orient falls into two principal 



THE THIRD POLICY 47 

parts: first, that dealing with Asiatics who come to our 
shores, second, that dealing with the nations themselves 
across the Pacific. The first requires of us social and 
legislative adjustment, both local and national. The 
second depends on high-minded diplomacy, on honest 
commerce, on generous philanthropy, and on wise and 
broad-minded missionary activity. The detailed dis- 
cussion of these two aspects of our required New In- 
ternationalism is presented in the following sections. 

The brevity of this discussion should not be understood 
to indicate a feeling on the part of the writer that the 
needed social adjustments in America, or diplomatic, com- 
mercial, philanthropic or missionary activity in the Orient 
are of slight importance or easily secured. His convic- 
tion is just the contrary. American diplomacy and enter- 
prises of many kinds in the Far East have conferred 
many blessings upon those lands. The field, however, 
is too vast for adequate treatment in anything less than 
a large volume. In the opinion of the writer the so-called 
''White Peril" in the Orient, so far as America is con- 
cerned, has been negligible, while American diplomacy, 
trade, philanthropy, education and Christian activity have 
conferred upon both Japan and China advantages that 
may not easily be estimated. The awakening life of 
Japan and China is due in no small part to the contribu- 
tions made by Americans to the higher life of these peo- 
ples. Not a little of the best that the West possesses has 
already been successfully imparted to important sections 
of the East. 

Nevertheless much more remains to be done. Just 
at present it seems as though the cultivation of friend- 
ship between America and Asia depends in no small 



48 AMERICA AND THE ORIENT 

degree upon right legislative adjustment in America and 
right diplomatic relations and actions across the Pacific. 

2. The New Immigration Policy 

In examining the problem of Chinese and Japanese 
immigration to America one is impressed with the sim- 
ilarity of the difficulties experienced and the objections 
raised on the Pacific Coast with those that have been 
experienced and raised on the Atlantic Coast in connec- 
tion with immigrants from Europe. 

Moreover the recent immigration of such vast numbers 
from south and east Europe has made it clear to most 
students of the question that the time has come for the 
limitation and regulation of European immigration. 

One of the greatest problems before the American 
people is that of the just and efficient treatment of the 
incoming tide of alien peoples, European not less than 
Asiatic. Our immigration laws are unsystematic, inade- 
quate and discriminatory; our provisions for the proper 
treatment, distribution and education of aliens already 
admitted are seriously defective or entirely wanting. We 
find ourselves increasingly embarrassed both internally 
and internationally. Has not the time come for compre- 
hensive legislation dealing with the entire immigration 
question? We need laws dealing comprehensively with 
all races on a basis of absolute equality. This, and this 
alone, will free them from invidious and humiliating fea- 
tures. Chinese and Japanese are not asking for free im- 
migration to America but only for freedom from indi- 
vidual and racial humiliation. This statement cannot be 
made too often nor too emphatically. 



THE THIRD POLICY 49 

On the other hand, the admission of individuals from 
any nation and race should be limited in such ways as 
to protect the laboring classes in America from economic 
disaster. American laborers have rights no less than 
those in Asia and Europe. The number of immigrants 
who may be allowed to eome from any land should 
depend on their ability to enter our economic life without 
harm to the laborers and the people now here. 

The number, moreover, to be admitted annually from 
any particular country or race should depend in some 
close way on their proven adaptability to our life. We 
cannot afford to admit large numbers from any land who 
do not propose to settle down, and become fully identi- 
fied with our institutions and methods of life. We can- 
not allow groups to be formed in our midst who regard 
themselves as colonists, representatives of their home- 
land, in our midst but not of us; not learning our lan- 
guage nor adopting our ideals. 

We can admit to permanent residence here only those 
who desire to acquire citizenship and help us to make 
genuinely successful our great experiment in democracy. 

The question as to whether or not any particular 
people or race is assimilable should be based upon expe- 
rience. Each group should be considered separately and 
the numbers to be admitted annually from any partic- 
ular people should depend upon the number of those 
from that people who have already become so familiar 
with our language, customs and institutions, and so loyal 
to them as to have surrendered allegiance to their native 
land and become regular American citizens. This 
method of limiting immigration throws upon those 
already admitted the responsibility of proving to America 



50 AMERICA AND THE ORIENT 

whether or not others, and of deciding how many, from 
their land may be given the same privilege. 

An essential part of the plan is of course that the 
administration of the laws proposed in the following 
pages shall be put in the hands of those who approve 
the general principles and the policy, and who seek to 
administer the laws in the spirit of fairness and good- 
will. The principles of civil service should from the 
start be applied to the selection and retention of efficient 
administrative officials. 

In a word, we now need a comprehensive immigration 
policy meeting the problems raised by both Asiatic 
and European immigration. It should recognize the just 
demands of the Pacific Coast states for protection from 
swamping Asiatic immigration. It should be free from 
race discrimination and give equal courtesy of treatment 
to all. It should protect the democratic life and insti- 
tutions of America; it should give opportunity to all in 
proportion to their capacity to utilize it to their own as 
well as to our advantage. The needed legislative policy 
and program should deal with the entire immigration 
question in such a way as to conserve American institu- 
tions, protect American labor from dangerous economic 
competition from every land, and promote intelligent 
and enduring friendliness and good-will between 
America and all the nations, east and west. 

The writer has sought to embody the above general 
principles in suggestions for concrete legislation. He 
has stated .these suggestions in various articles and 
pamphlets. The following presentation is probably the 
most complete. 

I. The Control of Immigration. Immigration from 



THE THIRD POLICY 51 

every land should be controlled, and, if excessive, it 
should be restricted. The principle of restriction should 
be applied equally to every land, and thus avoid differen- 
tial race treatment. 

2. Americanization the Principle of Control. The 
proven capacity for genuine Americanization on the part 
of those already here from any land should be the mea- 
sure for the further immigration of that people. New- 
comers make their first contact with America through 
those who speak their own language. The Americaniza- 
tion, therefore, of newcomers from any land depends 
largely on the influence of those already here from that 
land. The number of newcomers annually admissible 
from any land, therefore, should be closely dependent 
on the number of those from that land who, having been 
here five years or more, have actually become American 
citizens. These know the language, customs and ideals 
of both peoples, ours and theirs. 

America should admit as immigrants only so many 
aliens from any land as she can Americanize. 

3. The Proposed Restriction Law. Let, therefore, an 
immigration law be passed which provides that the 
maximum permissible annual immigration from any 
people shall be a definite per centage (say five) of those 
from that people who have already become naturalized 
citizens, together with their American-born children. 
The grandchildren as a rule do not know their ancestral 
language, and therefore do not aid particularly in the 
Americanization of newcomers. 

The permissible annual immigration from the respec- 
tive peoples, as calculated from the census of 1910, is 
given in the tables of the Appendix. They show that 



52 AMERICA AND THE ORIENT 

in general there would be no restriction on immigration 
from North Europe. The reverse, however, would be 
the case for the countries of South Europe. The permis- 
sible immigration from China and Japan would be less 
than that which has been coming in recent years. (See 
the charts and tables III and IV of the Appendix.) 

Provision should be also made for the protection of 
all newcomers from ruthless exploitation and for their 
distribution, employment and rapid Americanization. To 
aid in the accomplishment of these ends, the Federal 
Government should establish — 

4. A Bureau of Registration, All aliens should register 
annually until they become American citizens, and should 
pay an annual registration fee of, say ten dollars. We 
need to know who the aliens are, where they live, and 
they need to know that we know these facts about them. 
A system of registration could be worked out in connec- 
tion with a National Employment Bureau, as suggested 
by the late Prof. C. R. Henderson, that would not 
involve police surveillance. This Bureau should be 
regarded as a method for friendly aid, not of hostile and 
suspicious control. 

5. A Bureau for the Education of Aliens, This Bureau 
should set standards, prepare text-books, promote the 
establishment of night schools by states, cities and towns 
— which might receive federal subsidies — and hold 
examinations. The education and the examinations 
should be free. Provision should be made for the 
reduction of the registration fee by, say one dollar for 
every examination passed. The education should be 
simple and practical, avoiding merely academic profi- 
ciency. Let there be six examinations, three in Eng- 



THE THIRD POLICY 53 

lish and one each in the History of the American People, 
in the Methods of our Government, local, state and 
federal, and in the Ideals of Democracy. When all the 
examinations have been passed there would still remain 
the annual registration fee of four dollars so long as 
the individual chooses to remain an alien. 

6. New Regulations for the Bureau of Naturalisation. 
Citizenship should be granted only to those who have 
passed the required examinations provided by the Bureau 
of Alien Education and have maintained good behavior 
during the five years of probationary residence. The 
naturalization ceremony might well take the form of a 
dignified welcome service, say, on a single day in the 
year — the Fourth of July — with appropriate welcome 
orations, banners, badges and banquets. 

7. Citizenship for all Who Qualify, Regardless of 
Race, Eligibility to naturalization should be based upon 
personal qualifications of intelligence, knowledge and 
character. The mere fact of race should be neither a 
qualification nor a disqualification. 

Such are the main outlines of the proposed Compre- 
hensive and Constructive Program here offered for the 
solution of the entire immigration problem, Asiatic as 
well as European. 

8. A Few Additional Details, (a) No change should 
be made in the schedule for maximum immigration be- 
tween the census periods. With each new census a new 
schedule should be prepared, but it should not go into 
operation automatically. Congress should reconsider the 
whole matter once in ten years upon receiving the figures 
based upon the new census, and decide either to adopt 
the new schedule, or some new percentage rate. Pos- 



54 AMERICA AND THE ORIENT 

sibly it might be better to continue the same schedule for 
another decade. 

(b) Provision should be made for certain excepted 
classes. Government officials, travelers and students 
would, of course, be admitted outside of the fixed 
schedule figures. Aliens who have already resided in 
America and taken out their first papers, or who have 
passed all the required examinations, should also doubt- 
less be admitted freely, regardless of the schedule. 
Women and children under fourteen years of age should 
also be included among the excepted classes. By pro- 
viding for such exceptions the drastic features of the 
proposed plan would be largely, perhaps wholly, relieved. 

(c) Should the restriction required by the five per 
cent, plan be regarded as excessively severe the percentage 
rate could be advanced. In any case it seems desirable 
that the five per cent, restriction should be applied only 
to males fourteen years of age and over. 

(d) In order to provide for countries from which few 
have become American citizens a minimum permissible 
annual immigration of, say i,ooo might be allowed, 
regardless of the percentage rate. 

(e) Registration, with payment of the fee, might well 
be required only of male aliens twenty-one years of 
age and over. Since, however, it is highly desirable 
that immigrant women also should learn the English 
language, provision might be made that all alien women 
should register without payment of the fee and be given 
the privileges of education and of taking the examina- 
tions free of cost. This privilege might extend over a 
period of five years. After passing the examinations 
there should be no further requirement for registration. 



THE THIRD POLICY 55 

If, however, after five years the examinations have not 
been passed, then they should be required to pay a regis- 
tration tax of six dollars annually, a reduction of one 
dollar being allowed for every examination passed. 

(f) In order to meet special cases and exigencies, such 
as religious or political persecutions, war, famine or 
flood, provision might well be made to give special power 
to the Commissioner of Immigration, in consultation with 
the Commissioner of Labor and one or two other speci- 
fied high officials, to order exceptional treatment. 

(g) The proposed policy, if enacted into law, would 
put into the hands of Congress a flexible instrument for 
the continuous and exact regulation of immigration, 
adapting it from time to time to the economic conditions 
of the country. 

(h) How the war is to influence future immigration 
is uncertain ; some anticipate an enormous increase, while 
others expect a decrease. Is it not important for Con- 
gress to take complete and exact control of the situation 
while the present lull is on, and be able to determine 
what the maximum immigration shall be before we find 
ourselves overwhelmed with its magnitude? If the post 
bellum immigration should prove to be small a law limit- 
ing it to figures proposed by this plan would do no 
harm. If it should prove to be enormous we would be 
prepared to deal with it. 

(i) An objection to the proposed plan is raised by 
some. It is urged that tens of thousands would suffer 
the hardship of deportation because of arrival after the 
maximum Hmit has been reached. Such a situation, 
however, could easily be avoided by a little care in the 
matter of administration. Provision could be made, for 



56 AMERICA AND THE ORIENT 

instance, that each of the transportation lines bringing 
immigrants from any particular land should agree with 
the immigration office upon the maximum number of 
immigrants that it may bring to America during the year, 
the sum total of these agreements being equal to the max- 
imum permissible immigration from that particular land. 
There would then be no danger of deportation because 
of excessive immigration. The steamship lines, more- 
over, would see to it that their immigration accommoda- 
tion would be continuously occupied throughout the year, 
avoiding thus a rush during the first two or three months 
of the year. 

(j) A second objection is raised by some; namely, 
the difficulty of selecting the favored few in those 
countries where the restriction would be severe. This 
difficulty, however, would be completely obviated by the 
steamship companies themselves. Immigrants would 
secure passage in the order of their purchase of tickets; 
first come, first served. 

(k) In order to alleviate hardship as far as possible, 
might not immigration inspection offices be established 
in the principal ports of departure, and provision be 
made that all immigration from specified regions should 
receive inspection at those offices alone, such inspection 
to be final? 

Would not the above proposals for a Comprehensive 
and Constructive Immigration Policy coordinate, system- 
atize and rationalize our entire procedure in dealing with 
immigration, and solve in a fundamental way its most 
perplexing difficulties? Such a policy would protect 
American labor from danger of sudden and excessive 



THE THIRD POLICY 57 

immigration from any land. It would promote the whole- 
some and rapid assimilation of all newcomers. It would 
regulate the rate of the coming of immigrants from any 
land by the proven capacity for Americanization of those 
from that land already here. It would. keep the new- 
comers always in the minority. It would be free from 
every trace of differential race treatment. Our rela- 
tions with Japan and China would thus be right. Such 
a policy, therefore, giving to every people the ''most 
favored nation'' treatment, would maintain and deepen 
our international friendship on every side. 

Criticism of this plan is invited. If the student finds 
himself in harmony with this proposal a letter of en- 
dorsement would be appreciated. 

3. The New Diplomacy 

China and Japan have been placed in a serious eco- 
nomic and political predicament by the aggressive and 
militaristic nations of Christendom. 

Like the traveler from Jerusalem to Jericho, they 
have been beaten and robbed. Should we not, like good 
Samaritans, take steps to heal the wounds already 
inflicted upon them, to protect them from further preda- 
tory aggression, and, so far as in us Hes, to aid them — 
especially China — in getting a wholesome and safe start 
on the arduous road on which they have started? 

What then is the duty of America at this time in its 
relations to Asia? What responsibilities have we, if 
any? What may we do to put and keep ourselves right 
with the Orient? How may we render them helpful 
service? 

Both China and Japan are facing mighty problems. 



58 AMERICA AND THE ORIENT 

The early solution of those problems concerns, not them- 
selves alone, but all the world. Our fate is in truth 
involved in theirs. The urgency accordingly of their 
appeal should command our earnest and sympathetic 
attention and secure our action. Our own national wel- 
fare through the long future, no less than our national 
character, is intimately involved in our response to that 
appeal. 

A brief glimpse at the history of our treatment of 
China and Japan and of their friendship for us will 
throw important light on our duty, upon the character 
of the New Diplomacy that not only our statesmen, but 
the entire nation, should adopt. China's appeal for 
justice and friendly treatment was made decades ago, 
but has been largely ignored by the statesmen and Chris- 
tians of America. Japan's appeal is more recent. Will 
America heed it any better? 

American Treatment of China, The story of our deal- 
ings with China is as a whole one of which we need not 
be ashamed. We have not shared in the aggressivQ 
designs of European peoples. We have not seized her 
territory, bombarded her ports, exacted indemnities or 
pillaged her capitals as have other nations. On the con- 
trary, we have helped preserve her from ''partition" ati 
a grave crisis in her relations with western nations. We 
are returning a considerable part of the Boxer indemnity 
that came to us. By 1940 the sum returned will amount 
to $39,000,000. We have stood for the "open door" and] 
a ''square deal." Our consular courts have been models^ 
of probity and justice. The work of our missionaries 
in hospitals, in education, in famine and flood relief has 
been highly appreciated. 



THE THIRD POLICY 59 

In consequence of such factors the Chinese as a nation 
hold to-day a highly gratifying attitude of friendship 
toward us. So conspicuous has this friendship and 
preferential treatment become since the establishment of 
the Republic that other nations have begun to note it. 
In the reforms taking place in China, especially in her 
educational system, in her political and social reorgani- 
zation, and in her moral and religious awakening, the 
influence of Americans is far beyond that exercised by 
any other people. 

When we turn, however, to the story of what many 
Chinese have sufifered here our cheeks tingle with shame. 
The story would be incredible were it not overwhelm- 
ingly verified by ample documentary evidence. Treaties 
have pledged rights, immunities and protection. They 
have, nevertheless, been disregarded and even knowingly 
evaded; and this not only by private individuals, but 
by legislators and administrative officials. Scores of 
Chinese have been murdered, hundreds wounded and 
thousands robbed by anti-Asiatic mobs, with no protec- 
tion for the victims or punishment for the culprits. 
State legislatures, and even Congress, have enacted laws 
in contravention of treaty provisions. Men appointed 
to federal executive offices have at times administered 
those laws and regulations in highly oft'ensive methods. 

If the faithful observance of treaties between the 
nations of Europe constitutes the very foundation of 
civilization, as we are now vehemently told — and this is 
said to be the real reason why Great Britain is in the 
war — is not the faithful observance of treaties with 
Asiatics the foundation of right relations with them? 

Now when China becomes equipped with a daily press 



6o AMERICA AND THE ORIENT 

and adequate world news, when her national organiza- 
tion becomes better unified, more efficient and betteri 
equipped, when her self-consciousness is more perfectly^ 
developed, and when she learns that Chinese entering 
America have often suffered ignominious treatment^ 
that Chinese here are lawfully deprived of rights guap 
anteed by long standing treaties, and that privilege! 
granted as a matter of course to individuals of othe^ 
nations are refused to Chinese on exclusively racia 
grounds, is it not as certain as the rising of the sun thatf 
Chinese friendship for America will wane and serious 
possibilities develop ? 

American Treatment of Japan, For half a century 
that treatment was above reproach, and, being in marked 
contrast to that of other lands, called forth a gratitude 
toward, a friendship for, and a confidence in America that 
Americans cannot easily realize. I must not do more 
than refer to our helpful diplomacy throughout the 
entire period, our return of the Shimonoseki Indemnity 
($785,000), the educational and philanthropic work of 
American missionaries, and our welcome in America 
for Japanese students, giving them every facility, not 
only in our schools and colleges, but in our factories and 
industries. 

The mutual attitude, however, of the two countries 
has begun to change. Tension, more or less, exists 
between us to-day. Papers in both countries frequently 
assert in startling headlines that war is certain. Multi- 
tudes in both lands accept these statements without ques- 
tion, and are developing mutual suspicion, distrust, and 
animosity. False stories are widely circulating in each 
land, about the other, which are readily believed. 



THE THIRD POLICY 6i 

European Aggressions in China. We should also note 
briefly some details concerning China's experiences at 
the hands of Europe. 

In the nineties the ''powers'' of Europe, having com- 
pleted their ''division of Africa/' began to look with 
greedy eyes on China. In 1895 Germany, Russia and 
France compelled Japan to return Port Arthur to China 
in order to maintain, as they stated in their deceitful 
diplomacy, the integrity of China and provide for the 
permanent peace of the Far East. Then in 1897-1898, 
Germany took Kiaowchow for the killing of two Ger- 
man missionaries. Russia took Wei-hai-wei and France, 
Kw^anchow. In each case the impotent Manchu Gov- 
ernment made treaties with the aggressive "friendly 
powers,'' giving them increasing concessions and priv- 
ileges. The people got anxious. The occidental aggres- 
sions led (1900) to the Boxer Uprising. China's 
common people sought to turn the white man out and 
keep "China for the Chinese." But it was too late. Six 
"civilized" armies marched up to Peking to teach China 
a lesson regarding the sacredness of treaties and the 
white man's "rights," saddled upon China an indemnity 
of $682,000,000, far exceeding the actual costs. Poor 
China ! 

Then, according to mutual agreement, all the allies 
except Russia withdrew their troops. The latter, ignor- 
ing her promise, not only left her soldiers in Manchuria 
but began to send in thousands more. Japan got anxious. 
Negotiations were started. Russia dallied and delayed, 
still increasing her forces, completing her Siberian rail- 
road, and gaining diplomatic and other footholds in 
corrupt and intriguing Korea. This exasperating, inso- 



62 AMERICA AND THE ORIENT 

lent and ominous policy produced the break between 
Japan and Russia. 

The Russo-Japanese War, Japan felt that the com- 
plete possession by Russia of Manchuria, Mongolia and 
Korea threatened her very existence as an independent 
nation, and that the ''partition of China'' also would be 
a mere question of time. But Japan's earnest grasp at 
''civilization" had been so far successful that single- 
handed, though indirectly supported by her alliance with 
Great Britain, she beat back the "Bear of the North," 
and for the time being saved, not only herself, but also 
China from the impending "White Peril" that had swept 
over all South Asia from Mesopotamia to Cochin China, 
and North Asia from European Russia to Alaska. 

But enough. Further statement of occidental wrong- 
doing in the Far East is needless. In the light, however, 
of these experiences by x\siatics, and the conditions pro- 
duced thereby, we may now formulate a few suggestions 
as to the general character of the policy which the United 
States should pursue in its dealings with China and 
Japan. It must be in general a policy that will continu- 
ously win their good-will and inspire confidence in our 
character and our international purposes. Does the fol- 
lowing enumeration meet the requirements? 

I. Among the delicate problems immediately confront- 
ing both the United States and Japan is that of their 
respective policies in the Pacific Ocean. "The Mastery 
of the Pacific" is a favorite theme with jingo writers 
and agitators on both sides of the Ocean. Japan has 
recently acquired certain islands formerly belonging to 
Germany. In reaching them she inevitably crosses the 
line of our travel to the Philippine Islands. Should 



THE THIRD POLICY 63 

Japan, after the fashion of the western nations, and as 
we ourselves have done in the Hawaiian and PhiHppine 
Islands, proceed to fortify one or more of those newly- 
acquired islands and build upon them strong naval bases, 
what would be the effect upon American feelings and 
upon America's Pacific Ocean poHcies? 

This question may throw light upon the not unnatural 
feelings and apprehensions entertained by some Japanese 
because of America's expansion in the Pacific through 
the acquisition of Alaska, the Aleutian Islands, the 
Hawaiian Islands, Guam, and the Philippine Islands, 
especially because of our establishment of powerful 
military and naval bases at Honolulu and Corregidor. 

In view of all the circumstances, and also in view of 
the proposal of the United States to give the Filipinos 
their independence in the not distant future, would it 
not be advisable for the United States, Japan, Great 
Britain and other governments possessing islands in the 
Pacific Ocean, after full conference, to enter upon a 
mutual compact; first, to maintain the complete inde- 
pendence and integrity of the Philippine Islands ; second, 
to fortify and use as naval bases no islands in the Pacific 
Ocean; third, to dismantle such fortifications as now 
exist (Honolulu, for instance) ? 

This proposal, of course, does not mean that AustraHa, 
New Zealand, Japan, Formosa or the Philippines shall be 
unfortified, or have no naval bases. This proposition 
concerns only those islands out in the Pacific which 
might be made convenient stepping stones across the 
Pacific in case of conflict. 

Such a procedure would make the Pacific Ocean truly 
''pacific" — an unfortified ocean between East and West. 



64 AMERICA AND THE ORIENT 

Under such conditions a naval attack by Japan upon the 
United States or a naval attack by the United States 
upon Japan would be practically impossible. 

Such joint action would be a pledge of the most power- 
ful and striking kind, that any difficulties that may arise 
between the United States and Japan would be settled 
by reason and conference, not by appeal to force. The 
common agreement by Japan and the United States to 
endorse and follow such a policy would destroy the 
foundations of many an aggravating jingoistic attack in 
each land upon the other, and would also confirm the 
confidence of each land in the good-will and sincerity of 
the international policies of the other. 

2. Might not American diplomacy take steps to sug- 
gest to the various Powers the importance of making 
adequate provision for the political independence and 
integrity of China? Is not this a time peculiarly appro- 
priate for such action? Should not International plans 
be made and agreements entered upon at an early date 
for the return to China by the European powers of all 
the sections of her territory that have been taken from 
her ? Naturally this return must be arranged for in such 
wise that injury shall not be done to private individuals. 
Such return can, of course, be effected only when China 
is prepared to administer these ''concessions" with justice 
and equity to all. But the knowledge on the part of 
China that the Powers are ready to return these ports 
and provinces as soon as she qualifies for their admin- 
istration would not only remove animosity and suspicion, 
and produce a fine feeling of trust and good-will, but 
would be a powerful factor in the promotion of Chinese 
development. 



THE THIRD POLICY 65 

These suggestions do not of course propose instant 
action without suitable guarantees or compensations. 
History has estabHshed certain conditions which cannot 
be treated as though they were not. Yet the sovereignty 
and dignity of China demand that these conditions shall 
not permanently remain. China, on her side, must of 
course qualify for the resumption of these rights and 
responsibilities. Plans honorable and equitable for all 
the parties concerned can certainly be found when selfish 
ambitions are abandoned. It is folly for Occidentals to 
fancy that China can feel really friendly to western 
nations so long as they hold, by mihtary force, strategic 
places within her boundaries. Foreign troops in her 
capital and foreign domination in important ports and 
provinces insult her dignity and infringe her sovereignty. 

Having said thus much on behalf of China it may be 
desirable to add that China should really qualify for 
such recovery of rights. No sham reforms or superficial 
changes will suffice. Her plight to-day is in no small 
part due to the political stupidity, practical insufficiency 
and financial corruption of her political leaders. The 
foreign Governments have been practically forced to 
impose many of the obnoxious conditions because of 
China's own faulty actions and lack of response to the 
new world-order. 

In contrast to China look at Japan. She took a virile 
course. She completely reorganized her government, her 
educational system, her courts of justice, her poHce sys- 
tem and everything else as well as her army and navy. 
China needs to do the same. Those who do it must be 
genuine men, true patriots and high-minded, self-sacri- 
ficing reformers. Not until genuine patriots in large 



66 AMERICA AND THE ORIENT 

numbers arise, clean, incorruptible, self-sacrificing, may 
we look for that national regeneration pre-essential to 
the recovery and continued maintenance of international 
independence. 

The world, on the other hand, cannot afford to coddle 
China. Not only China's own welfare, but that of every 
nation is vitally connected with her early attainment of 
political stability and of harmonious response to the new 
world-environment. The world cannot afford to have 
enormous international slums. China must set her house 
in order. If she does not, others will. Nor may she 
long pose as a friendless, helpless maiden looking to the 
United States as a big brother to come to her rescue. 
She must help herself. Until she does her own part, 
no outside forces can help her much. 

The real cause of Korea's failure to maintain her 
national independence was in her inner incompetence and 
corruption. She was unable to reform her social struc- 
ture, moral life, and political practises to meet the de- 
mands of the new world-environment. Should the hun- 
dreds of Chinese students now studying in America prove 
as capable and self-sacrificing as did Japan's students 
who came to the West in the seventies and eighties, and 
should there arise great patriots in China as in Japan 
in the sixties, seventies and eighties, then there is hope 
for China. A mere change, however, in the form of 
government from Empire to Republic without change 
in the hearts and heads and lives of those in office will 
avail China nothing. Indeed a corrupt republic is sure 
to be just as helpless and in reality just as hopeless as a 
corrupt empire. 

If the United States takes steps to aid China in the 



THE THIRD POLICY 67 

recovery of international status and sovereignty, China 
on her part should be clearly shown the conditions and 
significance of that help. 

3. ''Extra-territoriality" is a familiar word in the Far 
East. It refers to the administration of occidental laws 
in oriental territory. English consular courts, for in- 
stance, administer English law; French consular courts, 
French law; German courts, German law; American 
courts, American law, and similarly throughout the list 
of western nations having treaties with China. This 
arrangement was doubtless inevitable when relations 
were first established between the lands of the West and 
the East. Japan, however, resenting this invasion of 
her sovereignty, promptly proceeded to qualify in order 
to meet the requirements and get rid of the obnoxious 
and humiliating situation. For the fair name and self- 
respect of China and in the establishment of right inter- 
national relations, should not the western nations 
frankly say to China, collectively or individually, that 
they are willing to give up enforcement of *'extra-terri- 
torial" laws and practises as soon as China qualifies her- 
self to administer justice on cosmopolitan principles? 
Would not such an announcement have powerful influ- 
ence, not only in promoting right feelings in China toward 
occidental nations, but also in giving strength to the 
reform movements in China, inspiring them with strong 
motives and holding out splendid international results to 
be secured by national progress? Might not America 
lead ofif in such a splendid move, which could bring 
nothing but gain to China and honor for all the partici- 
pating nations ? 

4. Among the humiliating and injurious conditions 



68 AMERICA AND THE ORIENT 

forced on China by the aggressive nations of Christen- 
dom is the requirement that she shall not impose an 
import duty of more than five per cent, ad valorem. This 
is a clear infringement of China's sovereignty (in the 
advantages of which all the nations are sharing) as well 
as a serious handicap to her economic prosperity. It 
prevents the Government of China not only from util- 
izing a source of revenue that every western govern- 
ment draws upon heavily, especially America, but also 
from promoting home industries through the aid of a 
protective tariff. The importance of this latter point 
America has special reason to know. In the interests, 
therefore, of China's own economic welfare, as well as 
out of regard to her sovereignty, should not the nations 
of the West take early steps to return to China full 
power to regulate her own import duties ? What western 
nation would accept dictation from others in such a 
vital matter? 

Why may not American diplomacy take the lead in 
securing such a restoration? Of course, the imposition 
of higher import duties would doubtless interrupt occi- 
dental and Japanese trade, but would it not be to China's 
real and permanent advantage? In the long run would 
not a prosperous China be a better trader with other 
lands than a poverty-stricken country and a financially 
impotent Government? 

5. ''Spheres of Influence'' is another well-known phrase 
in Chinese afifairs. Each of the aggressive governments 
of the West, seeking special privileges for their traders 
and capitalists, has secured from China special conces- 
sions in specified areas of her territory. In the Rus- 
sian ''sphere of influence" other nations sufifer discrim- 



THE THIRD POLICY 69 

inatory treatment and do not enjoy full opportunity for 
trade and the various economic advantages; similarly in 
the British, French and Japanese ''spheres of influence.'' 
These "spheres of influence" are secured and protected 
by certain treaty pledges. Carefully considered, these 
''spheres of influence" are incipient infringements of 
Chinese sovereignty, concessions that under certain con- 
ditions might easily develop into the "partition of China 
among the powers." 

What western nation would for a moment endure a 
proposal from another nation to grant it a "sphere of 
influence" ? Has not the time come for the leading 
nations of the world to abandon this invidious and obnox- 
ious practise so humiliating to China? Why should not 
Germans, British, Russians, Japanese, French, Amer- 
icans, Spanish and other individuals enjoy equal advan- 
tages, rights and privileges in any and every part of China 
to which foreigners are admitted? 

Would it not be to China's permanent interest, and also 
to the real interest of every nation, to do away with all 
"spheres of influence"? If so, would it not be a suitable 
and friendly act for America to take the needful steps 
to bring this question also before the nations and secure 
cooperative action? For in this as in the other cases, 
no nation can act alone. The action must be collective 
or no forward step is possible. 

6. America's duty in the Philippines is to be estimated 
not only from the standpoint of our material and 
financial interests, and of the welfare of the many tribes 
that inhabit those islands, but also from that of the whole 
international situation. When we took over their 
ownership from Spain w^e became responsible not only 



70 AMERICA AND THE ORIENT 

for the peace and prosperity of the people but also for 
the maintenance of their right relations with the rest of 
the world. 

Before granting them complete independence there- 
fore we must be sure that they are able not only to main- 
tain a stable government, and deal justly with one an- 
other, but also to deal justly with aliens in their territory 
and with the governments of the world. Should we 
withdraw before they are ready to fulfil these conditions, 
political, commercial and financial chaos would necessi- 
tate either reoccupation by us or occupation by some 
other government. Their seizure, however, whether by 
France, England, Germany, Australia or Japan, could 
not fail to cause fresh international tension between the 
nations. These considerations make it clear that Amer- 
ican oriental diplomacy must proceed cautiously and 
with assured knowledge of the consequences before we 
grant complete independence. 

7. Might not Congress invite to the United States as 
guests of the nation groups of the leading statesmen 
from China and Japan? This should of course be done 
in a spirit of fraternal good-will, avoiding every appear- 
ance of patronage or condescension. These men should 
visit a score of our principal cities, spending enough time 
in Washington to make personal acquaintances. They 
should make addresses at our principal universities, and 
meet our leading representatives of business and labor 
in the Chambers of Commerce, Central Labor Councils 
and the great national gatherings of many kinds. Con- 
sultations should be held as to methods for promoting 
international acquaintance and good-will. 

8. What better method could be devised for grappling 



THE THIRD POLICY 71 

with the real problems of our relations with Asia than 
the establishment by Congress of a ''Federal Commission 
on Oriental Relations''? Let it take adequate time to 
study the new international and interracial situation aris- 
ing with the new world-order. This Commission might 
well be composed of our ablest international lawyers, 
statesmen, economists and sociologists. Let them con- 
sider every phase of the problems of our relations with 
Japan and China, formulate proposals for Federal legis- 
lation, and let Congress endorse and pass such recom- 
mendations as they may make. The Commission might 
well visit both Japan and China and consult fully with 
the statesmen of those lands. 

9. Might not Congress appropriate a million dollars 
annually, one half of which should provide scholarships 
to Japanese and Chinese students for study in the United 
States and the other half be used for American students 
to study in Japan and China? Consider what would 
be the effect on our mutual understanding and apprecia- 
tion and also on the development of commerce, if such 
a policy were carried out for thirty years. 

In carrying out this proposal, extreme care would of 
course be needed. This applies not only to the selec- 
tion of Japanese and Chinese students to come to America, 
but also of American students to go to the Orient. Only 
men of tested moral character should be subjected to 
the moral strain of life in a foreign land. ''To send our 
boys to the Orient indiscriminately would of course 
wreck them,'' writes a friend. The institutions to which 
they go, their courses of study and their residences 
should be decided on consultation with proper advisers. 
Their work and conduct should be subject to the super- 



72 AMERICA AND THE ORIENT 

vision of responsible administrators. These should have 
authority to send home at once those who do not con- 
form to the required standards of life, conduct and 
scholarship. Properly safeguarded, great good could not 
fail to come from the interchange of students. 

10. Again, might not visits to China and Japan be 
made in numbers by business men and members of 
women's clubs and societies? Let them go, not merely 
as dilettante sightseers, curio-hunters and pleasure 
seekers, but as students in serious quest of international 
knowledge. Let them spend the needed time, three or 
four months at least, in studying and traveling. The 
interest no less than the value of such travel would be 
far greater than that experienced by the ordinary ''globe- 
trotter." The results, moreover, not only in the shape 
of head knowledge, but in that of sympathy and appre- 
ciation, would be an important contribution to the cause 
of universal good-will and permanent peace. 

11. Regarding the question of race intermarriage be- 
tween Caucasians and Asiatics, should not an interracial 
commission of experts in biology, psychology and soci- 
ology be established for the study of the actual results 
of race amalgamation? Should intermarriage be found 
to be as a rule disastrous, resulting in many abnormal 
or subnormal individuals, or in monstrosities, physical 
or moral, laws forbidding intermarriage, could easily be 
passed in Japan and China as well as among Caucasian 
peoples. Laws passed under such circumstances would 
not be misunderstood as being due to race prejudice, and 
would not accordingly be resented by either side. 

12. In time of special calamity in Japan and China — 
of flood, famine and earthquake — let Congress appro- 



THE THIRD POLICY 73 

priate adequate sums for relief, amounting if need be 
even to millions of dollars. 

13. Let private enterprise continue in increasing meas- 
ure the excellent work of the past, in education, med- 
ical work, philanthropy, and the direct proclamation 
of the Gospel message of the Heavenly Father's love 
and the brotherhood of man. These are the great cre- 
ative ideas and forces which Hft individuals and peoples 
to higher levels of life and to nobler manhood. These 
are the deeds of kindness that break down prejudice, and 
call forth confidence and establish good-will. 

Such are the main principles and proposals of those 
who urge ''Golden Rule Internationalism" as the solution 
of the problem confronting the Occident due to the 
awakening of Asia and her entrance into the life of the 
w^orld. 

In his notable address at Mobile (October, 1913) 
President Wilson well stated the general principles of 
true international relationships. He was speaking, it is 
true, with the South American nations in view, but his 
words are equally true of the world as a whole. As 
reported by the press, he said: 

''We must prove ourselves their friends and cham- 
pions, upon terms of equahty and honor. We cannot be 
friends upon any other terms than upon the terms of 
equality. We cannot be friends at all except upon the 
terms of honor, and we must show ourselves friends by 
comprehending their interest, whether it squares with 
our interest or not. It is a very perilous thing to deter- 
mine the foreign policy of a nation in the terms of mate- 
rial interest. It not only is unfair to those with whom 



74 AMERICA AND THE ORIENT 

you are dealing, but it is degrading upon the part of your 
own actions. 

''Human rights, national integrity and opportunity, 
as against material interests — that, ladies and gentle- 
men, is the issue which we now have to face." ^ 

REFERENCE LITERATURE ON CHAPTER IV 

The first published proposal for the restriction of all immi- 
gration along the lines of this chapter is contained in The 
American Japanese Problem, Chapter XVII. A briefer state- 
ment was made in the The Fight for Peace, Chapter XII. The 
most explicit and adequate presentation of the proposal, and the 
most complete tabulation of the statistics bearing upon the matter, 
is given in the preceding pages and in the Appendix. 

The volume entitled "The Japanese Problem in the United 
States." Chapter XI supports the proposed plan to limit all 
immigration on a percentage plan. 

''Protection of Aliens/' reports of committee of Lake Mohonk 
Conference on International Arbitration, viz. : 

Baldwin, "Protection by the United States of the Rights of 
Aliens," Proceedings of 1915, p. 148. 

Short, "Federal Protection of Aliens in the United States," 
Proceedings of 1914, p. 74. 

Wilson, "Treaty Obligations and Protection of Aliens," Pro- 
ceedings of 1913, p. 189. 



1 Quoted from the author's The Fight for Peace, 151. 



CONCLUSION 

Who Is Responsible? 

A practical question is now before us. How is such 
a policy as that outlined in the preceding chapter to be- 
come effective ? Who should advocate it and insist upon 
its being put into operation ? 

It runs counter to much of our past. It conflicts with 
not a few local prejudices and many material interests. 
The obstacles to its adoption are many, and many of 
these are powerful. Perhaps the most powerful of all 
is the momentum of bad habits, national and interna- 
tional. If, therefore, the third policy is the right one 
for America, those who take that view must consider 
how its adoption is to be secured. 

The United States, fortunately, is so organized polit- 
ically that every citizen has his share of responsibility 
and also of opportunity, for all that happens. Any move- 
ment therefore of thought or will which is sufficiently 
accepted by the people may be put into practise and 
tested. 

The method also for securing the national adoption 
of this policy is clear. Those who believe in it must first 
carry on a nation-wide campaign of education. Few, 
relatively speaking, know as yet the facts and the factors 
of America's Oriental Problem. When the campaign 
of education has sufficiently advanced the time will 
come for legislation. And finally, when legislation has 
been enacted, then will the time come for administrative 

75 



76 AMERICA AND THE ORIENT 

officials, diplomats, and ambassadors to carry out the will 
of the people. 

Who now should be regarded as responsible for the 
adoption of the proposed policy? 

1. Business men who desire opportunity for uninter- 
rupted trade under the most extensive and most whole- 
some conditions. Can anyone question the proposition 
that the third policy will ultimately produce conditions 
far more favorable for commerce than either of the 
other policies? 

2. Citizens in all the lowly walks of life, and labor- 
ing classes, w^ho desire the lowest possible taxation and 
the greatest possible prosperity through uninterrupted 
opportunity for work. If the arguments advanced in 
these pages are correct the pursuance of either the first 
or the second policy cannot fail to entail vast expenses 
for military and naval development. The third policy 
alone gives promise of diminishing expenses in prepara- 
tions for war, and of promoting the highest general pros- 
perity. 

3. Industrial zvorkers, parents, women and children 
upon whom the tragedy of war falls most heavily. Pol- 
icies one and two cannot fail sooner or later to involve 
the United States in a conflict with Asia. While cap- 
itahstic classes suffer somewhat they also often make 
vast profits out of war. The real sufferers are the young 
men who are wounded and crippled for life, the parents 
who lose support, the mothers, the widows, and the 
orphaned children. These then are classes w^ho should 
feel the responsibility for adopting the third policy. 

4. Christians, who believe in the Fatherhood of God 
and the brotherhood of man. War between peoples and 



CONCLUSION y^ 

races is no part of God's plan for his children. War con- 
flicts with the estabhshment of those relations of justice, 
righteousness and good-will that are fundamental 
factors in the kingdom of Heaven. 

5. Foreign Mission Boards and Societies should be 
supremely conscious of their responsibility for the adop- 
tion of this third policy. These groups of men and 
women devoted to foreign missions are actively con- 
cerned with the establishment in foreign lands of the 
kingdom of Love first proclaimed by Jesus Christ. One 
of the mighty obstacles, however, to the success of their 
enterprise is the failure of Christian lands and our own 
land to adopt the principles of the Kingdom in their 
dealings with the Orient. It would therefore seem that 
all Christians whose hearts have already become so 
opened to the mighty vision of a world-brotherhood, and 
whose efforts are devoted to its realization, should be 
actively opposed to the continuance of policies one and 
two. Are they not the ones who should take every pos- 
sible step to secure the early adoption of policy three? 
The outbreak of war between Japan and America, or 
between China and America, would ring the death knell 
of missionary work in those lands. 

What factor for promoting Christian Missions in 
Japan and China is more important than the adoption 
by America of the third policy? 

If the above considerations are cogent then why should 
there not be developed an active campaign in all parts of 
America for the study of this problem and the adoption 
of these principles? 

Such a campaign is indeed beginning. The World 



78 AMERICA AND THE ORIENT 

Alliance for the Promotion of International Friendship 
through the churches — American Branch — is inviting 
every local church to establish its own Peace Makers' 
Committee. By this act the churches will become affiliated 
with each other and with the World Alliance of Churches, 
and will together enter on those courses of study and 
action for the development of intelligent public opinion 
upon which reliance must be placed for the effective 
adoption by the nation of the Golden Rule as its guiding 
principle in international relations. What more important 
duty calls to-day for patriotic volunteers than this of 
setting right our relations with Asia and Asiatics? All 
who believe in the New Internationalism should cooperate 
in the demand that righteousness and good-will domi- 
nate America's International Policies. 

^'Blessed are the Peace Makers,*' 



APPENDIX A 

Statistical Tables and Charts 
The statistical tables of this appendix give the actual 
immigration of the five years ending June 30, 1915, so 
classified as to show what the effect upon that immigra- 
tion would have been if the proposed five per cent, stand- 
ard for its limitation had been in force. The basal figures 
here given have been especially prepared for the writer by 
the statistician of the Bureau of Immigration. 

In classifying aliens the Immigration Bureau distin- 
guishes between immigrants (who come for permanent 
residence here) and non-immigrants (who come for a 
transient stay). The five per cent, restriction proposal 
does not in any way limit the entering of non-immigrants, 
of children or of women. It affects only males fourteen 
years of age and over. 

Column 6 gives the standards for the maximum per- 
missible annual immigration of males from the various 
races and peoples according to the five per cent, restric- 
tion policy here advocated. This column is derived 
from the Census of 1910; the figure for each people 
is five per cent, of the American-born children of 
foreign parents of that people plus the number of those 
from that same people who have become naturalized 
citizens. This last item (the naturalized citizens) was 
secured *'by mathematical calculations based upon Tables 
XIII and XXXIII, pp. 975 and 1082, Vol. I, of the Census 
Population Report for 1910.'' Subtracting the figures of 

79 



8o APPENDIX A 

column 6 from those of column 5 (the average annual 
number of males actually admitted) we secure column 7, 
showing the annual average number of males who would 
have been excluded had the five per cent, limitation prin- 
ciple been in force. 

The number of immigrant children admitted during the 
five years ending June 30, 191 5, may be secured by sub- 
tracting the sum of the figures given in Table I, columns 
3 and 4 from the corresponding figures given in column 2. 

In order to show in more detail the working of the five 
per cent, limitation plan, Tables III and IV have been 
added dealing with Japan, China and Italy for each year 
from 191 1 to 1915. 

Points to Notice 

1. The proposals here made would impose a more rigid 
restriction not only upon Japanese but also upon Chinese 
than that which is imposed by the present laws and 
arrangements. 

2. The restriction upon Italians is particularly strik- 
ing. But note the large disparity between Italian male 
and female immigrants (Table III, columns 4 and 5). 

3. The plan here proposed if in force would have 
imposed no restriction upon Hebrew immigration. 

4. The average immigration from Europe for the 
past five years was of course seriously disturbed by a 
striking decrease for 191 5 because of the war. Allow- 
ance must be made for this factor. 

5. The restriction of the immigration of men will 
of course sooner or later affect that of women and chil- 
dren. 

6. In column 6, 1,000 should be substituted in each 



APPENDIX A 8i 

place where the five per cent, rate would allow an immi- 
gration less than this amount, in harmony with the pro- 
posal of paragraph (d) on page 54. This explains the 
apparent discrepancy between charts on pages 86 and 89 
as to the maximum permissible immigration of South 
Europeans.^ 

7. The total annual average immigration of males 
from those countries whose actual immigration was less 
than their permissible maximum amounted to about 
170,000, while the total permissible annual immigration 
of males from those countries that exceeded their permis- 
sible maximum amounted to about 136,000. If the immi- 
gration, therefore, of the past five years had been regu- 
lated by the policy set forth in this pamphlet, the average 
immigration of males from all countries would have been 
about 306,000 annually, instead of the average of 518,- 
000 which actually were admitted. 

8. The apparent discrepancy between the total immi- 
gration given on page 87 and the total admissions from 
Europe alone given on page 88 is due to the inclusion of 
non-immigrants in the latter figure and their exclusion 
from the former figure. 



1 To simplify the charts, South Europeans is used for South and East, and North 
Europeans for North and West Europeans. 





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84 



APPENDIX A 



85 



Growth of Immigration 



m 



1S90 m5 mo 1905 mo i9i5 



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86 



APPENDIX A 



The 5Z RestrictionPropo^al 

CJBNSXTS ipiO 

A- 5% of B 

O "Resident jMale Aliens llyears ni a^ and mer 



(1,167,000.; 




A 



:Pennissi"ble Aldl« 
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Americaix Born 
Children 

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B 

IS^aturalized 
Citizens 

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JS^ortli Europe axvs 



C 

Male 
Aliens 



A Permissi'ble 
Male 



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Amerkan Bom 
CJiildrerv 

B 

iJalTir'alixed 
Citizens 

(531, 000.) 



South JlvarcfpeaaS 



APPENDIX A 



87 



The 52 Restriction Proposal 
Imini^ration from All Peoples 

Aver-a^e^ for 1911- IQI^ 



592,000 '100% 




Arti'wia.l a^jnis si orta 



tioW xKe proposal Tvould. 
have affected adanissi^sn^ 



e92,ooO'ioo% 




Arvnual a.d.Tni£5ioja^ 



have affected a^misdiorvA 



88 



APPENDIX A 



The 5% EestrictioriEropcsal 



axvd 



Jmini^atiOTi from Europe 

.Averages foi^ 19x1-1915 




No r tVL^ EixT? ojDe. 
3 2 2,000^100% ' 




A3tnu<dLl adjtvi5«ions 



How iHe -pTV>po^«il woul<i 

"Have af iected Immi^fd.tian. 



Soutlx Europe 
J065,OCO*IOO%^ 




Amtual \dmU3iorx3 ^^''^ "^^ pr.>po^^ vrouia 

riave affected admiasioi'is 



APPENDIX A 



89 



ComparisorL of Ac1:ual 
Permissible ImTni ^ration 

A.A/ex'aAes for ipii -191^ 






o 

in 

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go 



APPENDIX A 



The 5% Restriction Proposal 
Immi^r^tiou from Italy 



^OOyOOO 



TOO- -000 




IPII 



I912 I£)I3 191-^ J915 



■"Men who would have heen excluded 

D =iMen who would haveh^en admitted 

P 'ifloahamiSTdnis aiiJ Women and CMdi^uCnot affected) 



APPENDIX A 



91 



The 57o^estY\ctionVvdpossl 



artd 



Immi ^ration fr om J apan, 

13 JOO0 ^ gmm 

2 -I- 000 



ji ■ 000 



a • 000 

I 

7 • 000 

6 - 000 



000 




1911 ipia 1913 IQM 1915 



■ =Nen wlno would Kave "beeit excluded 

n = Men wko would havel^eeii admitted. 

H • jNon-Immi^ranis dndW^men and Chi]drm(not affect^ 



92 



APPENDIX A 



The 5% RestrictionProposal 
Immi^ratiorL froniCKirLa, 



5- .ooo 




■ 


■ 


■ 


1 


1 


1 



19II ipia Ipi3 Ipi4 1915 



■ -M^nvlio'v\^oiild liavel?een excluded 
n -Men wlio would liave l?eeii admitted 

■ -ifanlmini^aTit^ and Wom^n and ChildTm(af?^ked) 



APPENDIX B 

Bibliography 

Chapter I 
I. Europe's Tragedy and America's Awakening 

BOOKS AND PAMPHLETS 

Ainslee, Peter. Christ or Napoleon, Which? 1914. F. H. 

Revell Co., New York. 
GuHck, Sidney L. The Fight for Peace. 1915. F. H. Revell 

Co., New York. 
Jefferson, Charles E. Christianity and International Peace. 1915. 

T. Y. Crowell & Co., New York. 
Lynch, Frederick. The Last War. 1915. F. H. Revell Co., New 

York. 

2. The Asiatic Problem 
De Forest, John H. "The Truth About Japan." World Peace 

Foundation, Boston. 
Jordan, David Starr. Syllabus of Lectures on International 

Conciliation, pp. 63-65, "A War Scare : The United States 

and Japan." 1911. World Peace Foundation, Boston. 
Jordan, David Starr. War and Waste, pp. 261-272, "The 

Japanese Immigration, Anti-Alien Legislation in California, 

the Race Problem of America." 1913. Doubleday, Page & 

Co., New York. 

PERIODICALS 

"Captain Hobson as a War Prophet." Review of Reviews, New 

York. Vol. XXXVIII, 366, 3^7, September, 1908. 
"Dangerous Falsehoods." Outlook, New York. July 26, 1913. 
"Diplomatic Communications with Japan." Outlook, New York. 

Vol. CVII, 578-580, July II, 1914. 
"Dream Book : War Between Japan and the United States." 

Outlook, New York. Vol. CXI, 535, 536, November 3, 1915. 
"Folly of War Talk." Review of Reviews, New York. Vol. 

XXXVI, 131-136, 1909. 
"Inevitable War Between the United States and Japan," by 

P. H. B. d'Estournelles de Constant. Independent, New 

York. Vol. LXX, 1261-1265, 191 1. 
"If War Should Come," by Richmond P. Hobson. Cosmopolitan, 

New York. Vol. XLl V, 584-593 ; Vol. XLV, 38-47, 382-387. 

Mav-June, September, 1908. 
"Japanese Bogy." World's Work, New York. Vol. XXI, 14076, 

14077, 191 1. 

93 



94 BIBLIOGRAPHY 

"Japan's Preference for Peace with America," by Y. Ichihashi. 
Outlook, New York. Vol. LXXXVII, 295-297, 1907. 

"Public Nuisance." Independent, New York. Vol. LXV, 161, 
162, July 16, 1908. 

"Relations of Japan and the United States," by David Starr 
Jordan. Journal of Race Development, Worcester, Mass. 
Vol. II, 215-224, January, 1912. 

"Relations of the United States with China and Japan," by 
T. lyenaga. Annals of the Academy of Political and Social 
Science, Philadelphia. Vol. LIV, 254-259, July, 1914. 

"Relations of the United States with China and Japan," by J. G. 
Kasai. Annals of the American Academy of Political and 
Social Science, Philadelphia. ^ Vol. LIV, 260-269, July, 1914. 

"Straining an Historic Friendship," by Hamilton Holt. Inde- 
pendent, New York. May i, 1913. 

"Views of the Navy and Japan." Independent, New York. Vol. 
LXIV, 165, 167, January 16, 1908. 

"Why Japan Cannot Declare War." Literary Digest, New York. 
Vol. XLVI, 1369, June 21, 1913. 

"Why a Japanese-American War is Impossible." Review of Re- 
views, New York. Vol. XLIII, 613, 614. 191 1. 

"Yarn of Turtle Bay." Outlook, New York. Vol. CIX, 951. 
April 28, 1915. 

Chapter II 
I. White Race World Supremacy 

BOOKS 

Millis, H. A. The Japanese Problem in the United States. 1915. 

Macmillan Co., New York. 
Abbott, James Francis. Japanese Expansion and American 

Policies. 1916. Macmillan Co., New York. 

PERIODICALS 

"America, Japan and the Pacific," by A. Kinnosuke. Harper's 

Weekly, New York. Vol. LX, 177-179, February 20, 1915. 
"Inferiority of the Caucasian Race." Independent, New York. 

Vol. LXVI, 330, 331. 1909. 
"Is the United States a World Power?" by Ignotus. North 

American Review, New York. Vol. CLXXXIII, 1107-1119. 

1906. 
"Issue with Japan Grows Into a World Issue." Current Opinion, 

New York. Vol. LV, 7-1 1, July, 1913. 
"Not the Right Way." Outlook, New York. Vol. CVII, 64S, 

July 18, 1914. 
"Our Duty to China and to Japan." Literary Digest, New York, 

Vol. L, 737, 738, April 3, 1915. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 95 

2. The Effects of the First Policy on the White Race 

BOOKS 

D'Estournelles de Constant, Baron. Papers on International 
Racial Problems, pp. 383-387, "The Respect which the White 
Race Owes to Other Races." 191 1. World Peace Founda- 
tion, Boston. 

Hobson, J. A. Imperialism : A Study. 1906. A. Constable & Co., 
London. 

PERIODICALS 

"Americans and the Far East," by H. W. Mabie. Outlook, New 

York. Vol. CIV, 754-757, August 2, 1913. 
"Are We Honest with Japan?" by J. D. Whelpley. Century, 

New York. Vol. LXXXVIII, 105-108, May, 1914. 
"Freaks of Race Prejudice." The Nation, New York. Vol. 

LXXXIV, 168. 1907. 
"Immigration from the Orient," by H. C. Nutting. The Nation, 

New York. Vol. XCVIII, 724, 725, June 18, 1914. 
"Menaces to American Peace," by E. L. Fox. McBridcs, New 

York. September, 1915, 86-90; October, 1915, 54. 
"Our Honor and Shame with Japan," by W. E. Griffis. North 

American Reviezv, New York. Vol. CC, 566-575, October, 

1914. 

3. The Effects of the First Policy on Asiatic Peoples 

PERIODICALS 

"Attitude of Japan Toward the United States," by A. Kinnosuke. 

Independent, New York. Vol. LXII, 1457-1459, 1907. 
"Japan on the Land-Law Deadlock." Literary Digest, Vol. 

XLIX, 263, 264, August 15, 1914. 
"Japanese Conceptions of America." Sunset, San Francisco. 

Vol. XXXIV, 346, February, 1915. 
"Japanese in the United States and the Opinion in Tokyo." 

Current Literature, New York. Vol. XLIII, 483-488, 1907. 
"Japanese Rights in America." Literary Digest, New York. Vol. 

LXIX, 48-50, July II, 1914. 
"Japanese Wrath at Our Immigration Bills." Literary Digest, 

New York. Vol. XLVIII, 252, February 7, 1914. 
"Snarl of Waking Asia." Everybody's, New York. Vol. XXXII, 

587-600, May, 1915. 
"Yellow First," by Ackmed Abdullah. Sunset, San Francisco. 

January, 1915. 
"Yellow Pity for White Prejudice/* Literary Digest, New York. 

Vol XLIV, 525, J9I2. 



96 BIBLIOGRAPHY 

4. A Critical Study of Alleged ''Yellow PeriV 

PAMPHLETS 

Ladd, George Trumbull. "America and Japan." American 
Association for International Conciliation, New York. 

Low, Seth. 'The East and the West." American Association 
for International Conciliation, New York. 

PERIODICALS 

"American Naturalization of the Japanese," by J. H. Wigmore. 
American Law Review, Saint Louis. Vol. XXVIII, 818-837, 

^904. 
"American-Japanese Discussions Relating to the Land Tenure 

Law of California." American Journal of International Law, 

New York. Vol. VIII, 571-578, July, 1914. 
"Americanizing the Japanese," by W. S. Harwood. World To^ 

Day. Vol. IX, 1286-1292, December 19, 1905. 
"California and Japan." Independent, New York. Vol. LXXIV, 

1053, 1 1 15, 1 1 16, May 8, 22, 1913. 
"California and Japan," by F. G. Peabody. Outlook, New York. 

Vol. CIV, 758, 759, August 2, 1913. 
"California and the Japanese." Outlook, New York. Vol. CIX, 

249, 250, February 3, 191 5. 
"California and the Japanese." Review of Reviews, New York. 

Vol. XXXIX, 278-280, 1909. 
"California and the Japanese," by H. A. Millis. Survey, New 

York. Vol. XXX, 332-336, June 7, 1913. 
"California and the Japanese," by Lincoln Stephens. Collier^s, 

New York, March 25, 1916. 
"Can We Assimilate the Japanese?" Literary Digest, New York. 

Vol. XLVII, 165, 166, August 2, 1913. 
"Democracy and Race Friction." American Economic Review, 

Vol. IV, 936-938, December, 1914. 
"History of the Movement," by J. Foord. Outlook, New York. 

Vol. LXXXVI, 101-105, 1907. 
"Japan and the United States," by J. D. Whelpley. Fortnightly 

Review. Vol. CI, 885-892, May, 1914. 
"Japan in California," by P. C. Macfarlane. Collier's, New York. 

June 6, 1913, 
"Japanese as American Citizens." Chautauquan, Chautauqua, 

N. Y. Vol. XLII, 392-394, 1906. 
"Japanese Exclusion," by David Starr Jordan. Independent, 

New York. Vol. LXI, 1425, 1426, December 13, 1906. 
"Japanese Exclusion," by David Starr Jordan. Independent, 

New York. Vol. LXXIV, 978, May i, 1913. 
"Japanese in California," by Chester H. Rowell. World's Work, 

New York, June, 1913. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 97 

"Japanese Question," by John Mahan. American Law Review, 

Saint Louis, Mo. Vol. XLVIII, 698-713, September, 1914. 
"Relations of Japan and the United States," by David Starr 

Jordan. Popular Science Monthly, New York. Vol. LXXX, 

151-157, February, 1912. 
"Social Assimilation : America and China," by C. R. Henderson. 

American Journal of Sociology, Chicago. Vol. XIX, 640- 

648, March, 1914. 
"White and Yellow in California," by M. V. Woehlke. Outlook, 

New York, May 10, 1913. 

Chapter III 
I. World Segregation of the White and Yellow Races 

BOOKS 

Gulick, S. L. The Fight for Peace. 1915. F. H. Revell Co., 

New York. 
Gulick, S. L. The American-Japanese Problem. 1913. Charles 

Scribner's Sons, New York. 

PAMPHLETS 

Myers, Charles S. Papers on Inter-Racial Problems, pp. 73-78, 
"On the Permanence of Racial Mental Differences." 191 1. 
World's Peace Foundation, Boston. ^ 

Sugi, Giuseppe. Papers on Inter-Racial Problems, pp. 67-72. 
"Differences in Customs and Morals and Their Resistance 
to Rapid Change." 191 1. World Peace Foundation, Boston. 

PERIODICALS 

"Asiatic Emigration : A World Question," by S. N. Singh. 
Living Age, Boston. Vol. CCLXXXII, 387-393, August 

15, 1914- 
"Races Cannot Mingle." North American Review, New York. 

Vol. CLXXXIII, 1201-1203, 1906. 
"World's Most Menacing Problem." Collier's, New York. May 

31, 1913. 

Chapter IV 

I. The New Internationalism 

BOOKS 

Lynch, Frederick. What Makes a Great Nation? F. H. Revell 

Co., New York. 
Mackenzie, J. S. Papers on Inter-Racial Problems, pp. 433-438, 

Ethical Teaching in Schools with Regard to Races." 1911. 

World Peace Foundation, Boston. 

PERIODICALS 

"Christianity and Internationalism," by K. Kaneko. Biblical 
World, Chicago. Vol. XLV, 361, 362, June, 1915. 

"Our Nation's Duty to Japan," by D. Scudder. The Friend, 
Honolulu, June, 1913. 



98 BIBLIOGRAPHY 

General 

Abbott, James Francis. Japanese Expansion and American 

Policies, 1916. Macmillan Co., New York. 
Aliens, Protection of, reports of Committee of Lake Mohonk 

Conference on International Arbitration, viz : 
"Treaty Obligations and Protection of Aliens," by George G. 

Wilson, p. 189, Proceedings of 1913. 
"Federal Protection of Aliens in the United States," by 

William H. Short, p. 74, Proceedings of 1914. 
"Protection by the United States of the Rights of Aliens," by 

Simeon E. Baldwin, p. 148, Proceedings of 191 5. 
"Chinese and Japanese in America." Annals of the American 

Academy of Political and Social Science. No. 114, Septem- 
ber, 1909. 
Aubert, L. Americains et Japonais. 1908. Colin, Paris. 
Bell, H. T. M. and Woodhead, H. G. M. China Year Book 

Since 1912. George Routledge & Sons, London. 
Blakeslee, George H. "China and the Far East." Clark Uni- 
versity Conference, 1910. T. Y. Crowell & Co., New York. 
Blakeslee, George H. "Japan and Japanese-American Relations." 

Clark University Conference, 1912. G. E. Stechert & Co., 

New York. 
Bryce, James. The Relations of the Advanced and Backward 

Races of Mankind. 1902. Clarendon Press, Oxford. 
"Report on the Japanese in California." Biennial Reports, 1913. 

Bureau of Labor, Sacramento. 
Coman, P. Contract Labor in the Hawaiian Islands. 1903. 

Macmillan Co., New York. 
Coolidge, Archibald C. The United States as a World Power. 

1912. Macmillan Co., New York. 
Coolidge, M. R. Chinese Immigration. 1909. Henry Holt & 

Co., New York. 
Collier, Hiram Price. The West in the East. 191 1. Charles 

Scribner's Sons, New York. 
De Forest, John H. "The Truth About Japan." World Peace 

Foundation, Boston. 1912. 
Eliot, Charles W. "Japanese Characteristics." 1913. American 

Association for International Conciliation, New York. 
Eliot, Charles W. "Some Roads Toward Peace."^ 1912. Carnegie 

Endowment for International Peace, Washington. 
Finot, Jean. Race Prejudice. 1906. E. P. Button & Co., New 

York. 
Foster, John W. American Diplomacy in the Orient. 1903. 

Houghton, Mifflin & Co., Boston. 
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For articles dealing with these subjects, attention is called to 
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and G. Stanley Hall. 



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